2001 – 01 Jan Newsletter – GRF

Sections in this issue:

2) Official Federal Land Patent Records Go Online for Public Land States;
3) Dear Cousins.

All Gowen Manuscript Pages and Newsletters:   https://goyengoinggowengoyneandgone.com/gowen-research-foundation-pages-and-info/

Gowen Research Foundation
Electronic Newsletter

January 2001
Volume 4 No. 1


By Tim Hashaw
Editorial Boardmember
1937 Huge Oaks Houston, Texas, 77065
E-mail: wildwestgifts4u@aol.com

Part IV:


The two most important social distinctions in early co-
lonial Virginia were Class and Religion. In 1616 John
Rolfe brought his newly-baptised Algonquian Indian bride
Pocahontas to England. Receiving them at court, King
James and his courtiers were appalled that Rolfe, an Eng-
lish commoner, had presumed to marry a princess. In the
eyes of Europe, Pocahontas was Rolfe’s social superior,
and the marriage of a princess to an untitled husband was
offensive and inappropriate. That Pocahontas was red and
Rolfe was white was irrelevant. There was nothing in
English literature or thought in the 17th century which
ntertained the notion of “white” as a class distinction.

The equality of whites and many blacks in 17th century
Virginia can be documented in several areas of colonial
life which were important in the developement of later
mixed-race communities such as those of the Melungeons.

1. African-Americans could own property.
2. African-Americans could own servants of any skin
3. There were no laws for most of the 17h century
against inter- racial marriages.
4. Baptised African-Americans were allowed to give tes-
timony in court.

The most famous African-American in the colonies was An-
thony Johnson. His Portuguese name, “Antonio” was shared
by other early Virginia African-Americans and because of
this, there is confusion over which “Antonio” was actual-
ly Anthony Johnson. J. Douglas Deal makes a pretty good
argument in “Race and Class in Colonial Virginia” that
Anthony Johnson was the Antonio or Anthony of Warrosquoke
who married a black woman named Mary. This Antonio was a
passenger on the “James” from England or Bermuda to Vir-
ginia in 1622. Another Antonio who lived in Kecoughtan,
married a black woman named “Isabelle” and had the first
recorded African-American infant, William.

But lost in the controversy over which Antonio was which,
is the evidence that BOTH of the two likely were among
the Angolans taken from the Sao Joao Bautista in 1619.
If Anthony Johnson was simply a black Englishman, then
why did his grandson later name his plantation “Angola”?
Maj. Jope says one of two named Antonio was sent to Eng-
land to give testimony at hearings on the Bautista case
about 1620-21. That Antonio of Kecoughtan who returned
to Virginia in 1622 on the “James” was likely Anthony

The lives of many African-Americans in the colonies were
reflected in the lives of Anthony Johnson and his family.
They owned 1,000 acres on the Pungoteague Creek. Anthony
was the master of black and white, male and female ser-
vants and at least one black slave. When his slave, John
Casor, ran away to a white planter, Johnson sued in court,
and the slave was returned.

When a fire destroyed the Johnson plantation in 1652, he
appealed to the court and received relief from paying
taxes. In 1655 Anthony sold his Virginia farm and moved
his family to Somerset County, Maryland. He brought with
him a mare, 18 sheep and 14 head of cattle. In 1666 John-
son leased 300 acres in Wimico Hundred and the farm was
called “Tonies Vinyard” [from “Anthony”] for 200 years af-

John Johnson, a son of Anthony, also owned land in North-
ampton County, Virginia [across Chesapeake Bay from York
County.] Married to Susanna, John was jailed once in
1664 for begetting a child by Hannah Leach, a white woman.
On several occasions he testified in court cases, and he
witnessed for a number of land transactions. A white man,
Edward Surman appointed John as guardian of his children
in his will, proved in a Maryland court in 1676.

According to genealogist Paul Heinegg in the book “Free
African-Americans in Virginia and North Carolina”, John
Johnson was called a “Free Nigroe”, aged 80 years “poor
and past his labour” when the Sussex County court agreed
to maintain him for life on public funds.

John Johnson had a son, John Jr. born about 1650 who pur-
chased about 50 acres in Maryland which he called “Ango-
la”. John Johnson Jr. “free negro”, married a 17-year-
old English girl, Elizabeth Lowe in neighboring Sussex
County, Delaware March 13, 1680.

Anthony had another son, Richard Johnson called “a negro”
who married a white woman named Susan. Their son Richard
was called a “mulatto.” A great-grandson of the old
Ndongo African was Cuff Johnson, head of a Beaufort Coun-
ty, North Carolina household which numbered two “free”
blacks and one white woman in 1800.

In colonial America these examples were repeated many
times in numerous black families designated as “free peo-
ple of color”. They were land owners of Virginia, the
Carolinas, Maryland and Delaware. Heinegg cites John
Harris, “negro” who was free in 1668 when he bought 50
acres in York County. Emanuell Cambow, another negro,
received 50 acres in James City County on April 18th,

It is possible through government records to follow fami-
lies from the 17th century to the 18th century as one
generation referred to as “Negro”, faded with the rise of
the next generation referred to as “free people of color,”
who eventually yielded to the next generation called “mu-
latto” until a century later the descendants of the orig-
inal Angolans were described as “white” on the census.

Mixed-race descendants of these first African-Americans
entered all walks of life. Many are world famous. Among
those believed to be the offspring of colonial-era Ango-
lan Americans; the mother of Abraham Lincoln, the outlaw
Sam Bass, Tom Hanks, Ava Gardner, Elvis Presley and come-
dian Steve Martin from Waco, Texas.


Many of the surnames of these 17th century Angolan-Ameri-
cans survive today because, more often than not, Angolan
men married women of English, Irish and Scottish ancestry.
White men married black women but not as frequently. The
uneven ratio of black men to black women caused the im-
balance. Had there been more black women, there would
have been less intermarriage. African men were most of-
ten selected to endure the harsh Middle Passage to the
Americas where the need was for hard labor. African women,
some with child, suffered higher mortality rates on the
terrible voyage.

In Virginia and other colonies in the 17th and 18th cen-
turies, and even into the 19th century, white women show-
ed no repugnance to Africans of equal status. Lerone
Bennett Jr. in “Before the Mayflower” quotes Edward Long,
a contemporary witness who observed that, “…the lower
class of women in England, are remarkably fond of the
blacks, for reasons too brutal to mention.”

Genealogist Paul Heinegg found many early mixed-race mar-
riages in colonial Virginia, of free African-Americans
and European women. Cases he gives:

“Francis Payne was married to a white woman named Amy by
September 1656 when he gave her a mare by deed of joint-
ure. [DW 1655-68, fol.19].

“Francis Skiper was married to Ann, an African American
woman, before February 1667 when they sold land in Nor-
folk County. “[W&D E:1666-75; Orders 1666-75,73]

“Peter Beckett, a “Negro” slave taxable from 1671 to 1677
in Northampton County, Virginia, married Elizabeth Kettle,
a white woman servant of John Tilney”. [Orders 1664-74,
fol.114; 1674-79, 75, 191; Orders 1683-89, 68, 246; OW
1689-98, 190-1]

“Hester Tate, an English woman servant in Westmoreland
County had several children by her husband James Tate, “a
Negro slave to Mr. Patrick Spence,” before 1690.” [Orders
1690-98, 40-41]

“Elizabeth Kay, a “Mulatto” woman whose father had been
free, successfully sued for her freedom in Northumberland
County in 1690 and married her white attorney, William
Greensted”. [WMQ, 3rd ser, XXX, 467-74]

Sometimes white planters promoted interracial marriages
of African men and white women for economic reasons; hop-
ing to reap the servitude of the offspring as legal chat-
tel. Bennett cites a famous case involving an indentur-
ed servant girl named “Irish Nell” who was brought to
Maryland by Lord Baltimore. Returning to England, Balti-
more sold Nell to a planter who encouraged her to marry a
black man named Butler. Baltimore was appalled and move
to enact a law forbidding such practices in 1681. It be-
gan with the words:

“Forasmuch as divers free-born English or white women,
sometimes by the instigation, procurement or connivance
of their masters, mistresses, or dames, and always to the
satisfaction of their las- civious and lustful desires,
and to the disgrace not only of the English, but also of
many other Christian nations, do intermarry with Negroes
and slaves, by which means, divers inconveniences, con-
troversies, and suits may arise, touching the issue of
children of such freeborn women aforesaid; for the pre-
vention whereof for the future, Be it enacted: That if
the marriage of any woman servant with any slave shall
take place by the procurement or permission of the master,
such woman and her issue shall be free.”

This new law did not outlaw interracial marriage. It at-
tempted to discourage marriages in which children of
British-born citizens might be owned as chattel property.
Baltimore was more concerned about stopping an attempt to
circumvent the Magna Carta. This law slowed the rate of
legal marriages between white and black servants in Mary-
land, but it also caused an unforeseen problem according
to Bennett.

While legal intermarriages dropped, the births of mixed
children to single females rose. The legislative act rai-
sed the birthrates of illegitimate mulatto children who
eventually became a public burden. Three times in ten
years Maryland lawmakers attempted to slow the growing
number of mixed unions and the children from them.
Virginia, Massachusetts, North and South Carolina and
Delaware also passed laws against intermarriage by leng-
thening the terms of servitude for white women who mar-
ried African-American men, or who had mulatto children.
Bennett shows where ministers who officiated interracial
marriages were levied fines.

In 1725 Rev. John Cotton was indicted for marrying a
“Molatto Man to a White Woman.” In North Carolina, Rev.
John Blacknall was fined 50 pounds in 1726 for joining in
matrimony Matthew Thomas Spencer and a mulatto woman nam-
ed Martha Paule. [Saunders, Colonial Records] Vigilante
groups tried to enforce the laws, churches were called to
thunder against black and white marriages, but it didn’t
work. Bennett names case after case as intermarriage and
unsanctioned couplings continued to openly flaunt the
laws. Groups publicly protested the new restrictions
against intermarriage.

“On May 11, 1699, George Ivie and others sent a petition
to the Council of Virginia asking for the repeal of the
Act of the Assembly against English peoples marrying with
Negroes, Indians or mulattoes. Of equal or perhaps even
more pointed political concern was the action of whites
who simply defied the laws. Shortly after the enactment
of Virginia’s ban on intermarriage, Ann Wall was convict-
ed of “keeping company with a Negro under pretense of mar-
riage.” The Elizabeth County court sold Ann Wall for
five years and bound out her two mulatto children for 31
years. And “it is further ordered” the court said, “that
if ye said Ann Wall after she is free from her said mas-
ter doe at any time presume to come into this county, she
shall be banished to ye Island of Barbadoes.”

In 1692, the case of Bridgett, a white servant who bore a
mulatto child by a black man went all the way to the
grand jury in Henrico County, Virginia. In Pennsylvania,
legislators outlawed interracial marriages only to repeal
the ban during the years of the American Revolution.
Bennett quotes Thomas Branagan who visited Philadelphia
in 1805 and observed:

“There are many, very many blacks who…begin to feel
themselves consequential… will not be satisfied unless
they get white women for wives, and are likewise exceed-
ingly impertinent to white people in low circumstances…
I solemnly swear, I have seen more white women married
to, and deluded through the arts of seduction by Negroes
in one year in Philadelphia, than for eight years I was
visiting [West Indies and the Southern states]…There
are perhaps hundreds of white women thus fascinated by
black men in this city and there are thousands of black
children by them at present.”

During the rise of laws against intermarriage, newspapers
carried notices of black and white servants running away
together. From the Southern journal, “American Weekly
Mercury” of August 11, 1720:

“Runaway in April last from Richard Tilghman, of Queen
Anne County in Maryland, a mulatto slave, named Richard
Molson, of middle stature, about forty years old and has
had the small pox, he is in company with a white woman…
who is supposed now goes for his wife.”

And in the Northern “Pennsylvania Gazette” of June 1,

“Runaway from the subscriber the second of last month, at
the town of Potomac, Frederick County, Maryland, a mulat-
to servant named Isaac Cromwell, runaway at the same time,
an English servant woman named Ann Greene.”

The legislation banning interracial marriages failed.
Heinegg observes,

“Despite the efforts of the legislature, white servant
women continued to bear children by African-American fa-
thers through the late 17th century and well into the
18th century. From these genealogies, it appears that
they were the primary source of the increase in the free
African-American population for this period… Since so
many free African-Americans were light-skinned, many ob-
servers assume that they were the offspring of white
slave owners who took advantage of their female slaves.
Only one of more than 280 families in this history was
proven to descend from a white slave owner”.

These interracial marriages and interminglings were by no
means the sole practice of the lower servant classes only.
Bennett mentions Lemuel Haynes, the son of a white woman
and an African. Lemuel was the first black to preach to a
white New England church, and he married Elizabeth Bab-
bitt, a white woman. The grandmother of astronomer-mathe-
matician Benjamin Banneker was Molly Welsh, an English

The “founding fathers” were also involved in interracial
relationships. Benjamin Franklin was known to frequently
associate with black women. Thomas Jefferson took Sally
Hemings for his mistress and produced several children.
Jefferson’s romance with Sally was the subject of a tav-
ern ditty to the tune of “Yankee Doodle” according to

“Of all the damsels on the green,
…on mountains or in valley,
A lass so luscious ne’er was seen,
…As Monticellian Sally.”

Bennett also quotes reports that Patrick Henry fathered
a black son named Melancthon. Alexander Hamilton was not
only born with mixed blood in the West Indies, but he al-
so fathered two mixed race sons by a black woman and one
of his sons married into a white family, according to
Maurice R. Davie of Yale University.

Kentucky’s Daniel Boone was the grandfather of William
Wells Brown. The ninth vice-president of the United
States was another Kentuckian, Richard Johnson, whose
black mistress was Julia Chinn. Bennett says, “The cou-
ple had two daughters and Johnson married them off with
style to white men.”

Far into the period of chattel slavery, whites and Afri-
cans persistently intermarried. Bennett shows a census
as late as 1830 in Nansemond County, Virginia reflecting
the number of white women continuing to marry black men
more than 150 years after the first law restricting such


Jacob of Rega, and white wife
Syphe of Matthews, and white wife
Jacob Branch, and white wife
Ely of Copeland, and white wife
Tom of Copeland, and white wife
Will of Butler, and white wife
Davy of Sawyer, and white wife
Stephen of Newby, and white wife
Amarian Reed, and white wife

The free, light-skinned, mixed-race children of intermar-
riage made up the many ethnically diverse isolated com-
munities in Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio and Louisiana. Among those
groups were the Melungeons.

With the growing success of the American colonies, small
family farms, which had relied on indentured servants us-
ually released after 7 years, became huge plantations de-
manding life-long chattel slaves. Whites, and many ear-
lier Angolan blacks, though bound as temporary indentured
servants, were protected from permanent slavery. But
Africans arriving on slave ships by the 1670s were enter-
ing a system with no exits. In time, the lowest class of
colonial society became exclusively black chattel slaves
where it had once been black and white indentured ser-
vants. Class distinction became race distinction and
eventually America viewed free Angolans and their free
mixed children with the same disdain by which she saw
black slaves. These free “non-whites” retreated into
communities like the Melungeons. Heinegg writes,

“…as more and more slaves replaced white servants, the
Legislature passed a series of laws which designated
slavery as the appropriate condition for African-Ameri-

1. In 1670 the Virginia Assembly forbade free African-
Americans and Indians from owning white servants.
[Hening, Statutes at Large, II:280]

2. In 1691 the Assembly prohibited the manumission of
slaves unless they were transported out of the colony.
It also prohibited black and white intermarriages and
ordered the illegitimate mixed-race children of white
women to be bound out for 30 years. [Hening, Statutes
at Large, III:86-87]

3. In 1705 the Assembly passed a law which all but elim-
inated the ability of slaves to earn their freedom by
ordering that the farm stock of slaves “shall be
seized and sold by the church-wardens of the parish
wherein such horses, cattle or hogs shall be, and the
profit thereof applied to the use of the poor of said
parish.” [Hening, Statutes at Large, III:459-60]

Like a slowly drawn net, new legislation over time cut
off every avenue to liberty for newly arrived Africans.
The free people of color who lived apart from African
slaves were gradually isolated as the rules of colonial
society changed: they were not chattel property like the
new blacks, but they were also not white.

[To Be Continued]

Biography: Tim Hashaw is an investigate reporter working
from East Texas. He has filed stories for CBS, ABC and
NBC from network affiliates. Tim has reported for radio,
television, and print. Awards for Best Investigative Re-
porting from: The Radio and Television News Directors As-
sociation [RTNDA], Associated Press, United Press Inter-
national, the National Headliners Club and others.

2)  Official Federal Land Patent Records Go Online for Public Land States

Researchers now have access to the Bureau of Land Manage-
ment [BLM], General Land Office (GLO) Records Automation
website. Access to to the database of Federal land con-
veyance records for the Public Land States affords genea-
logists a valuable resource.

The site offers image access to more than two million
Federal land title records for Eastern Public Land States,
issued between 1820 and 1908. Images of Serial patents,
issued between 1908 and the mid-1960s are currently being
added to this web site. Due to organization of documents
in the GLO collection, this web site does not currently
contain every Federal title record issued for the listed
states. Go to:


3)  Dear Cousins

We were interested in the series of articles on the Ango-
lan connection to the American Melungeons by Tim Hashaw.
For the past three years we have been researching this
question from the “other end,” that is as specialists in
the history of Angola.

We are trying to see what happened to the thousands of
Angolans who were captured in a variety of campaigns
waged by various people in Angola in the period from 1615
to 1641 who were transported across the Atlantic. We
have come to believe that for this relatively short peri-
od of time, a very large percentage [over 80% and in some
years 100%] of all the Africans crossing the Atlantic
came from Angola.

The story is complicated, but it has to do with the com-
plex politics of the asiento, the contract to supply the
slaves for the Spanish Indies, and as it happened, Portu-
gal with close ties to Angola won the contract for the
period. They in turn benefitted from a military alliance
with Imbangala, a rootless mercenary group of people, who
allowed them for a brief time to pillage and nearly con-
quer the kingdom of Ndongo. It was only in the 1630s
that Queen Njinga finally fought them back. Her story is
one of the most dramatic in African History.

This is relevant to North Americans because this was a
time of English/Dutch war with Spain, and after the 12-
year expired about 1618, English and Dutch privateers
preyed on Spanish and Portuguese shipping in the Atlantic.

These privateering raids were the source of virtually all
the slaves brought to the Anglo-Dutch colonies. Because
they preyed on asiento vessels, almost all of these ships
were carrying Angolans. The best records of raiding are
for the Dutch, because Johannes de Laet, the chronicler
of the West India Company, chartered as a privateering
group, recorded the voyages of all the company ships from
their logs, including details of the captures they made.

All but one of the ships that the Dutch took were from
Angola, and they captured several thousand slaves during
the time of de Laet’s chronicle [1621-38]. English voya-
ges are more complicated and less well documented. but it
is interesting to note that all the ships that definitely
did bring slaves to America, Jupe’s “White Lion,” El-
firth’s “Treasurer” and Guy’s “Fortune” had all captured
Angolan ships. We know of no other ship taken by English
taken by English privateers from any other origin.

We have a quibble with the suggestion that “Malange” may
have been the source of the name “Melungeon.” Malange is
an important center in modern Angola, but it didn’t exist
in the seventeenth century, and the plateau called Ma-
lange was not so named in the earlier period.

We floated the idea that “Melungeons” derived from the
Kimbundu word “malungu,” which means boat, but came to be
extended, in Brazil at least, to mean “shipmate” or later
friend and pseudo-kinsmen from the tight bonds that peo-
ple formed on ships.

With regards to the origins of Gowen or Gaeween, we think
that the two names are probably the same word or name,
and the spelling irregularities are just typical of the
way Englishmen spelled in those days, that is phonetical-
ly without much standardization. We think that Mihil was
probably a similar spelling of “Miguel” [Michael], cer-
tainly a common name in Angola at the time. But we don’t
have a quick Angolan answer for “Gowen.” It does not
look like a word in Kikongo or Kimbundu, the only two
languages likely to have been an Angolan source [it would
not work in Umbundu either, a less likely but possible
origin]. We know a lot about Angolan names at the time,
but we ought to add some comments on this.

Angolans normally did not take surnames that they passed
down from one generation to another. A few people did
take Portuguese surnames, like de Castro, da Silva, da
Cruz, etc, and others took names from Biblical scenes or
verses–dos Reis Magros [the Magi Kings] was one. This
was particularly true in Kongo. But this latter class of
names was rare and mostly restricted to aristocrats, who
were not real likely to be in the slave trade.

Most Angolans, whether in Kikongo or Kimbundu speaking
areas took their father’s first name as their second name.
We think this is the origin of names like John Pedro, or
Antonio Francisco in Virginia, and in New Netherland, we
are able to show that children were definitely named us-
ing this pattern. Somtimes one or both of these names
would be in an African language, and there was a set for-
mat for presenting them: Joao Francisco Nkenge a Mvemba,
for example would be Joao son of Francisco who was also
Nkenge son of Mvemba. He might be known by just his
Christian names or by his Kikongo [in the case] names,
but USUALLY by his first name [or given name], the other
names would be used only in more formal situations. It
was very common to give a second name as an African name:
Maria Ndongo, Joao Lukeni, etc. These pairs were not a
first and last name, they were two first names, one in
each language.

Now what to say about Mihil/Miguel? We doubt that his
father was named “Gowen” or any variant of that, so we
think it likely that he took it as a patronymic, perhaps
from his master, perhaps from another person that he ad-
mired. But whatever its source is. it was passed on as a
patronymic from then on, just as second generation Ango-
lans converted the second names into patronnymics after
the first generation [so that Cisco is a common Melungeon
name from the orignial Francisco).

John and Linda Thornton

==Dear Cousins==

The Indiana Genealogical Society annual meeting and con-
ference will feature Dr. John Philip Colletta. The con-
ference is April 28, 2001 in Kokomo, Indiana. Details are
available at the IGS Web site:


==Dear Cousins==

Looking for ANY info or known relatives of the Goins Fam-
ily. My grandfather was John Franklin Goins born May 14,
1894. His mother was Martha Shoptaw born August 1871, and
his father was Robert Andrue Goins born Jan. 1871.

Now, from what I had gathered, I have Robert’s father
possibly being Lafayette B. Goins and Robert’s mother to
possibly be: Susan C. Holland.

I can not find any marriage for Robert Goins and Martha
Shoptaw. Possibly they went over into another state to

Does anyone have any info if Robert had any siblings
and their lines? Any help is appreciated…. Respond to:

Tnusa612@aol.com OR my other email

==Dear Cousins==

I am trying to locate my family line from GA. My Great-
grandfather was John Bartlett Goins b1852, d1904 in Cow-
eta Co, GA. According to family, his mother was
Elizabeth Ann Gunn, Upson Co.,GA b1807.

She is shown marrying in 1841 Noyal [Nile] Goyens/Goyen/
Goyne,b1801 in GA. Noyal is listed in marriage, census,
land purchase, homestead, & land lottery records. He is
shown with children Nancy W. b1848, VA, Virginia,b1850
and Ann, b1849 all in GA. But there are no records that
I can find of his parents or siblings. There were two
Goyens listed in Upson Co. at this time–Drury Goyen, son
of William of Warren Co, TN, d1816 and a John Williamson
Goyen was also located in Upson at this time [1830-1860].

I have no idea how Noyal fits with Drury and John William-
son. My grandfather was William Niles Goins who lived in
nearby Coweta County, GA. It appears that John Bartlett
Goins changed his surname from Goyen to Goins.

I really would appreciate ANY help that any Foundation
member can give.


Philip C. Goins
110 Southfork Dr.
Point Crossing
Belmont, NC, 28012

==Dear Cousins==

I’d like to ask for help on my fifth great-grandfather.
Hiss name was rendered as Guien McConnel on his will. I
have found it spelled more than ten different ways–
Guian, Guyon, Guion, Gawan, Gowan, Gavin, Gauin, etc.

Is Guien a nickname? Is it a form of Gavin or just some-
times mistaken for Gavin? Is its origin Scottish? I
have found the name Guyon as a surname on lists of French

Any enlightenment on this name would be greatly apprecia-


Kathy McConnell DeFoster
Kailua, Hawaii

==Dear Cousins==

The Sonoma County Genealogical Society in Santa Rosa, CA, will
feature Helen F.M. Leary at their meeting on 24 March 2001.
Details are available at:

*On Saturday, June 23, 2001, the French-Canadian Heritage
Society of Michigan is celebrating the 300th anniversary of
the Detroit River Region by presenting an all-day seminar,
“Three Centuries, Two Nations, One French-Canadian Heritage –
21st Century Explorations In Genealogy.” The seminar is being
held in Belle River, Ontario. The seminar will feature
speakers Denis Beauregard, John DuLong, Peter Halford and
Sylvie Tremblay. Music of the Detroit River Region will be
provided by Marcel Beneteau. For details visit the society’s
web site at http://habitant.org/fchsm

*The Texas Research Ramblers announces its 7th Annual
Genealogical Seminar featuring Lloyd D. Bockstruck, M.S.,
F.N.G.S., supervisor of the Genealogy Section of the Dallas
Public Library. The seminar will be on Saturday February 17,
2001 in Bryan, Texas. Topics include: Identifying Maiden
Names, Finding Substitutes for Birth and Death Records,
Researching Pennsylvania, Kansas, Nebraska, Oklahoma, and
Texas. You can download an application form from:

Click to access ramblers.pdf

*The Lake Havasu (Arizona) Genealogical Society, Inc will hold
its 8th Annual Seminar on February 24, 2001. The guest speaker
will be Arlene Eakle. For details, send an e-mail to:

*Carl Sandburg College in Galesburg, IL is again hosting a
series of hands-on genealogy computing workshops in March of
2001. All workshops cost $35 per day and are presented by
Michael John Neill. Topics include: “Your Own Genealogy On the
Web,” “Intermediate Personal Ancestral File,” “Windows for
Genealogists,” “Platting and Mapping Properties with
DeedMapper,” “Computer Genealogy Topics,” “Fifty Web Sites for
Genealogists,” “Online Search Strategies” and “Family Tree
Maker Topics.” More information is available at:

Carl Sandburg College in Galesburg, IL is again hosting a
series of hands-on genealogy computing workshops in March of
2001. All workshops cost $35 per day and are presented by
Michael John Neill. Topics include: “Your Own Genealogy On the
Web,” “Intermediate Personal Ancestral File,” “Windows for
Genealogists,” “Platting and Mapping Properties with
DeedMapper,” “Computer Genealogy Topics,” “Fifty Web Sites for
Genealogists,” “Online Search Strategies” and “Family Tree
Maker Topics.” More information is available at:

*The New England Historic Genealogical Society will present
their “NEHGS Weekend Seminar in San Diego, California” on
March 2 and 3. This will feature two days of lectures on
genealogical topics by New England Historic Genealogical
Society staff and special guest, Hank Z. Jones, FASG. For more
information please contact education@nehgs.org



NOTE:  The above information produced by the Gowen Research Foundation (GRF), and parts of the “Gowen Manuscript” they worked on producing.  It has tons of information – much of it is correct, but be careful, some of it is not correct – so check their sources and logic.  I’ve copied some of their information in the past researching my own family, only to find out there were some clear mistakes.   So be sure to check the information to verify if it is right before citing the source and believing the person who researched it before was 100% correct.  Most of the information I found there seems to be correct, but some is not.

Their website is:  Internet: http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.com/~gowenrf

There does not seem to be anyone “manning the ship” at the Gowen Research Foundation, or Gowen Manuscript site any longer, and there is no way to contact anyone about any errors.   The pages themselves don’t have a mechanism to leave a note for others to see any “new information” that you may have that shows when you find info that shows something is wrong, or when something has been verified.

Feel free to leave messages about any new information found, or errors in these pages, or information that has been verified that those who wrote these pages may not have known about.

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