2000 – 12 Dec Newsletter – GRF

Sections in this issue:

5) Dear Cousins.

All Gowen Manuscript Pages and Newsletters:   https://goyengoinggowengoyneandgone.com/gowen-research-foundation-pages-and-info/

Gowen Research Foundation
Electronic Newsletter

December 2000
Volume 3 No. 12


By Tim Hashaw
Editorial Boardmember
1937 Huge Oaks Houston, Texas, 77065
E-mail: wildwestgifts4u@aol.com

Part III:

The first recorded Middle Passage of Africans to an Eng-
lish-American colony was remarkable and momentous for ma-
ny reasons. The ships [in this unusual case, more than
one], sailing the Atlantic Ocean from West Africa to
America in 1619 were bringing not only the founders of
African-America, but these same black men and women were
also the ancestors of Melungeon America. This first mid-
dle passage witnessed high seas piracy by famous ships
and captains.

It started a scandal of royal proportions responsible for
the bankruptcy of the private company holding the Vir-
ginia charter. This in turn resulted in the direct in-
tervention into Virginia affairs by the English crown; a
policy which, once begun, would not end until the battle
of Yorktown some 150 years later. And of course, this
first arrival of Africans in 1619 colonial Virginia pre-
pared the backdrop of the War between the States. Howev-
er it was the result of the revocation, in 1670, by the
American colonies, of customs giving equal status to Af-
rican-Americans, which actually lit the slow-burning fuse
to the bloody Civil War. Nothing about the Virginia
landing of some 20 black men and women that summer day in
1619 signalled the awesome repurcussions to come.


The first African middle passage to English-American col-
onies was the result of a victorious Portuguese military
campaign into the interior Angolan kingdom of the Ndongo,
a Bantu nation in the Malange highlands bordering on
southern Congo. This campaign lasted from 1618-1620 and
saw the capture of 50,000 Ndongo men, women, and child-
ren. These prisoners of war were led bound to the port
of Luanda for later shipment to the New World plantations
and mines of Portugal and Spain.

The historian Engel Sluiter has documented the Atlantic
passage of these African captives from 1619 through 1620.
He published an article in the 1997 issue of the “William
and Mary Quarterly” describing the event which led to the
arrival in Virginia of the “20 and odd” Africans from An-
gola. The Portuguese-Spanish slave traffic from Africa
to the Americas was handled by a general contractor call-
ed an “asentista.” This person was the highest bidder.
Only he could ship African slaves.

The asentista agreed to pay a set amount annually to the
Spanish king for the right to send a fixed number of Af-
rican prisoners to certain Central and South American
ports. A Lisbon banker, Antonio Fernandes Delvas, held
the asentista contract from 1615-1622, according to rec-
ords translated by Sluiter. For the exclusive right of
importing slaves, he paid the Spanish crown the sum of
115,000 ducats annually. Delvas was allowed to ship not
more than 5,000 and not less than 3,500 Africans per
year, and only to two ports: Vera Cruz and Cartagena.

Records from the Vera Cruz, Mexico treasury for the fis-
cal year from June 18,1619 to June 21, 1620 show the
taxes paid on incoming Africans. Sluiter writes:

“During that year, six slavers arrived at Vera Cruz.
All had loaded their human cargoes at Sao Paulo de
Loanda, the capital of Portuguese, Angola. Out of
some 2,000 blacks they had taken aboard in Africa
1,161 were delivered alive in Vera Cruz. The losses
were caused not only by the rigors of the middle
passage but also by shipwreck and, in one case, by
corsair attack.”

This is the actual account from Spanish records of the
single slave ship attacked by corsairs that year as it
sailed from Angola to Mexico.

“Enter on the credit side the receipt of 8,657,875
pesos paid by Manuel Mendes de Acunha, master of the
ship “Sao Juan Bautista” on 147 slave pieces brought
by him into the said port on August 30, 1619 aboard
the frigate “Santa Ana,” master Rodrigo Escobar. On
the voyage inbound, Mendes de Acunha was robbed at
sea off the coast of Campeche by English corsairs.
Out of 350 slaves, large and small, he loaded in
said Loanda [200 under a license issued to him in
Sevilla and the rest to be declared later], the Eng-
lish corsairs left him with only 147, including 24
slave boys he was forced to sell in Jamaica, where
he had to refresh, for he had many sick aboard, and
many had already died.”

These blacks had been originally loaded onto the Portu-
guese slaver in the port of Angola where inadequate slave
pens were overcrowded with 50,000 Ndongo captives. These
indigenous natives of one cohesive tribe were taken from
an area in the Malange plateau roughly 30 miles by 50
miles wide, centered around the Ndongo royal capital of
Kabasa. The English privateers therefore stole from 150-
200 of these Ndongo captives from the “Bautista” when
they caught the Portuguese ship in July of 1619. Sluiter
points out:

“The ‘San Juan Bautistq’ was the only slave ship among
the 36 named as arriving at Vera Cruz during the fis-
cal years 1618-1619 through 1621-1622 to be attacked
inbound from Angola, by corsairs.”

A few weeks after the attack on the Bautista, the first
of two corsairs appeared at Point Comfort off Jamestown,
Virginia with African slaves to trade for grain. The
story behind that man-o-war remained cloaked in mystery
for almost 400 years because Virginia eye-witnesses who
wrote of her arrival, intentionally omitted the name of
the ship and gave scant details of the men who sailed her.


In 1624 Captain John Smith wrote in his “General History
of Virginia” describing the landing 5 years earlier:

“About the last of August came in a dutch man of
warre that sold us twenty Negars.”

The famous Captain Smith, penning his memoirs near the
end of his adventurous career, had not himself witnessed
the arrival of the privateer with its Africans. Smith
was quoting a letter written to Virginia Company treasur-
er Sir Edwin Sandys by Virginia tobacco planter John
Rolfe, widowed husband of Pocahontas. Rolfe had person-
ally witnessed the arrival of the ship and wrote:

“About the latter end of August, a Dutch man of Warr
of the burden of a 160 tons arrived at Point-Comfort,
the Comandor’s name Capt. Jope, his Pilott for the
West Indies one Mr. Marmaduke an Englishman. They
mett with the “Treasurer” in the West Indies and
determined to hold consort shipp hetherward, but in
their passage lost one the other. He brought not
anything but 20 and odd Negroes, which the Governor
and Cape Merchant bought for victualle [whereof he
was in greate need as he pretended] at the best and
easyest rate they could. He hadd a lardge and ample
Comyssion from his Excellency to range and to take
purchase in the West Indies . . . Three or four days
later, the “Treasurer” arrived.” [From the “Records
of the Virginia Company of London,” Susan Myra Kins-
bury, editor.]

And last we have the account from the Secretary of State
of the Virginia colony, John Pory, who, on September 30,
1619 wrote from Jamestown to Sir Dudley Carleton, English
envoy to The Hague. Pory sent this letter by Jope’s pi-
lot, Marmaduke Rayner, which incidentally indicates that
the Dutch ship remained at Jamestown for some weeks after
arriving. Pory was also an eyewitness of the first Afri-
cans in Virginia and wrote:

“Having met with so fitt a messenger as this man of
warre of Flushing, I could not imparte with your
lordship . . . these poore fruites of our labours
here…The occasion of this ship’s coming hither
was an accidental consortship in the West Indies
with the ‘Treasurer,’ an English man of warre al-
so, licensed by a Commission from the Duke of Savoy
to take Spaniards as lawfull prize. This ship, the
‘Treasurer,’ went out of England in Aprill was
twelve moneth, about a moneth, I thinke before an
peace was concluded between the king of Spaine and
that prince. Hither shee came to Captaine Argall,
then the governour of this Colony, being parte-own-
er of her. Hee more for love of gaine, the root of
all evill, than for any true love he bore to this
Plantation, victualled and manned her anewe, and
sent her with the same Commission to raunge the

When we study Pory’s complaint against the second priva-
teer involved in the consort attack upon the Portuguese
slaveship and when we consider the secrecy surrounding
the so-called and hitherto unrevealed “Dutch” man-o-war
delivering the “20 and odd Negroes” to Virginia, we begin
to pick up in-house Virginia Company politics boiling un-
der the surface of this historic event.

The “Treasurer,” the second ship in the attack on the
Portuguese, was jointly owned by Virginia Company invest-
or Lord Rich [later Earl of Warwick] and his partner,
Virginia governor Samuel Argall. At this time James,
king of England had a peace treaty with Catholic Spain.
Lord Rich, who was anti-Spanish, had gone behind the back
of his king to obtain a license from the Italian Duke of
Savoy authorizing his ships to take Spanish and Portu-
guese ships in the West Indies.

This inadvertently put the young Virginia colony in Amer-
ica in danger, not only of losing its charter and its fi-
nancial backing, but of waking one morning to a fleet of
angry Spanish ships aiming their cannons at their humble
fort. On the other hand, the Virginians could not afford
to rile Lord Rich, one of the largest and most influen-
tial stockholders financing the Virginia venture. Rich
and Governor Argall were conveniently using Jamestown as
a black market to sell goods taken from their Spanish
prizes behind the back of the English crown. The Virgin-
ians desired the goods, but feared detection. They were
alone and isolated, far from the protective arms of Eng-

After taking the slaves from the “Bautista” in the West
Indies, the “Treasurer” and the “Dutch” man-o-war divided
the human cargo, probably no more than 100 slaves for
each of the two ships, and then prepared to sail to Vir-
ginia. Supposedly in a consort, or partnership, the two
ships became separated enroute to Jamestown. Capt. Jope
in the Dutch [or Flemish] ship, reached Virginia first
and sold twenty-something Malange-Ndongo Angolans to new-
ly appointed Virginia governor George Yeardley and his
cape merchant, Abraham Piersey. Yeardley had just re-
cently replaced ousted Governor Argall, now a fugitive
from English justice.

Fearful that the freebooting activities of Lord Rich were
endangering the vulnerable young colony of Virginia, John
Rolfe in his letter alerted Sir Edwin Sandys, Virginia
Company treasurer, of the ongoing privateering, as dis-
creetly as possible. Sandys, aware that Argall had cap-
tured a Spanish prize a few months earlier, had already
moved quietly to end the blackmarket scheme by indicting
Argall for it. Argall had fled and the two ships return-
ing from robbing the BAUTISTA of its Angolan slaves just
happened to be sailing into Jamestown ignorant that at
the same time English officers were there to shut down
the operation.

The arrival of the “Dutch” ship with its Africans would
eventually open an irreparable breach between two fac-
tions of stockholders of the Virginia Company in London.
A group of older investors sided with the privateering
Lord Rich. The other group led by Company treasurer San-
dys wanted to stop Rich’s racket which could have meant
trouble for their investment in the colony of Virginia.

After being called on the carpet for the raid on the Por-
tuguese Angolan slave-ship in July of 1619, Rich became
resentful of Sandys and the tension between the two fac-
tions eventually caused the collapse of the Company and
forfeiture of its charter to the Crown. King James would
later appoint a royal commission to take over the respon-
sibilities of governing Virginia after the Company’s col-
lapse. The king’s intervention in the business of the
Jamestown colony removed significant authority from their
own colonial legislature. The English crown’s actions
were deeply resented and feared by the Virginia settlers
for the first–but not the last–time.


Major Hugh F. Jope, USAF [ret.] of Haverhill, Massachu-
setts is a veteran of WWII. Crash-landing in the Philip-
pines in enemy territory in 1945, he was captured as a
prisoner-of-war, not once but twice. Major Jope, who
comes from a long line of Jope sea captains is also a de-
scendant of John Colyn Jope, born circa 1580 in Cornwall,
England. Capt. John Colyn Jope was the privateer who de-
livered the famous “20 and odd Negroes” to Virginia in
August of 1619. His full identity has not been revealed
until now. Maj. Hugh Jope has shared his research with
me, giving us for the first time also, the likely name of
the Dutch man-o-war which, along with the Treasurer, cap-
tured the Portuguese “Sao Juan Bautista” in July of 1619
off the coast of Campeche.

Major Jope believes this ship was the “White Lion.” This
was not the Dutch “White Lion” which burned and sank in
1613 near the island of St. Helena, recently salvaged.
The Jope “White Lion” which arrived in 1619 Virginia was
ironically built in the Villa Franca shipyard near Lisbon,
Portugal in 1570 along with the “Pelicano” or “Pelican”
which was later captured by Sir Francis Drake. The Portu-
guese builders first named the “White Lion” the “Leona
Blanca” [White Lion]. The design of both men-o-war was
the same according to the Major’s research, having provis-
ion for 10 cannon. Hugh Jope says,

“After sailing under the Marque of Portugal for only
one year, both “Leona Blanca” and the “Pelicano” were
seized by the Spanish Armada in 1571″.

Drake captured the “Pelicano” in 1572. Major Jope’s re-
search reveals that the “Leona Blanca” retained that name
under the Spanish Cross. He writes:

“Later in 1579, the name was changed to the “Witte Le-
euw,” [White Lion] when it was captured by the Flemish
Second Squadron. In 1584, with the death of Prince
William of Orange, the Sea Beggars of the Netherlands
sold “Wite Leuw” to Admiral Howard of the English Pri-
vateers who was also a devout Calvinist. In 1585
Drake and Howard got the word from the Queen [indirect-
ly) that it was open season on Spanish Galleons.” Ad-
miral Howard sold the “White Lion” to Drake who named
James Erizo its captain. Eventually Erizo desired to
purchase the “Lion” and got a loan from Drake. From
the book “Devon and Cornwall Notes and Queries:”

“Sir Francis Drake and Captain James Erisey. On the
6th September, 1585, for 220 pounds, James Erysye of
Erysye, esquire, mortgaged his manor of Pensugnans in
the parishes of Guynop and Key to Sir Francis Drake
of Buckland in the Countie of Devon, Knight.”

Erizo (Erisey) defaulted on the loan and lost the ship
but Drake kept him in command of her. Maj. Jope says,

“The White Lion with Erizo in command made a good
showing of itself during the years 1587-1588 going
full force in the war with the Armada. The “White
Lion” usually travelled with one of Drake’s squad-
rons. The Queen’s Navy and the Privateers cooper-
ated with each other during this common effort.”

Sir Drake’s will, probated a year after his death in 1596,
bequeathed the “White Lion” to Erizo who continued prey-
ing on galleons until 1609, when, according to Maj. Jope,
“Erizo sold the “White Lion” to his Calvinist minister,
the Reverend John Colyn Jope of Cornwall. the Rev/Capt.
John Jope had to overhaul the “Lion.” It took him ten
years to get it in shape.” Jope sailed the “White Lion”
out of Plymouth and Vlissingen [Flushing] Netherlands.

Notice that Capt. John Colyn Jope was not Dutch, but Eng-
lish. The reference to a “Dutch” man-o-war is believed
to come from the ship’s license empowering the captain to
take Spanish and Portuguese prizes under a Dutch Marque.
Jope is reported to have purchased the permit from the
Prince of Orange. From the reign of Elizabeth into the
reign of James, many English privateers routinely avoided
the hassle of on-again, off-again English-Spanish treat-
ies by obtaining marques from foreign governments embroil-
ed with Spain.

This license gave Jope the slightest vestage of legality
needed to avoid charges of outright piracy. The settlers
in Virginia used this “Dutch” technicality, and intention-
ally hid the identity of the English ship which brought
them the valuable cargo of some 20 African slaves. The
“White Lion,” unlike the “Tresurer,” the second ship in
the consort against the Portuguese slaver, was not connec-
ted to the Virginia Company and therefore did not pose the
same threat to the colony as the “Treasurer.”

Jope and his crew of the WHITE LION were hunting for Span-
ish prizes in the West Indies in 1619 when they met up
with the “Treasurer” by accident shortly before consort-
ing to take the Portuguese slave ship from Angola. But
only the “White Lion” was able to trade some of its
slaves later in Virginia. Like Governor Argall earlier,
Daniel Elfrith, captain of the “Treasurer,” narrowly a-
voided arrest in Virginia when he appeared four days be-
hind the “White Lion.”

But months later in London, Elfrith had to face the
charges of illegal privateering. Sir Edwin Sandys suc-
cessfully hid the role played by Lord Rich, who neverthe-
less remained ungrateful. King James, trying to forge a
lasting treaty with Spain, had no love for the Puritan-
leaning Rich. No doubt James had heard how Rich had
saved Argall from arrest in Virginia by sending a fast
ship to spirit away the outlawed governor in the nick of

Now, finally faced with the charges in London, Argall and
Elfrith concocted an incredible revision of the “Treas-
urer’s role in the joint capture of the Portuguese slaver
it had robbed of the 20 or so Ndongo prisoners. Capt.
John Colyn Jope of the “White Lion” was made the fall guy.
The crew of the “Treasurer” was briefed with the new cov-
er story when time came to testify. “Abstracts from the
Examinations in the High Court of Admiralty” recorded the
testimony of a former “Treasurer” crewman present when
they captured the “Bautista:”

“Reinhold Booth, of Reigate, Surrey, gent aged 26.
He has known Daniel Elfrith for 10 years. In 1619
the deponent went on the ‘Treasurer’ [man-o-war
owned by the Earl of Warwick of the Virgnia Company]
to Bermuda from Virginia and at the end of June 1619
she was compelled while in the West Indies, to con-
sort with a Flemish man-o-war, the ‘White Lion’ of
Flushing, [Vlissingen, Holland] commanded by Captain
Chope [sic] who threatened to shoot at the “Treasur-
er” unless Captain Elfrith complied with his wishes.
Chope [Jope] had permission to seize Spanish ships
and in mid-July of 1619, he took 25 men from his own
and Elfrith’s ship and sailed away in a pinnace [a
small, fast boat attending a large vessel]. After 3
days, he brought back a Spanish frigate which he had
captured and out of good-will towards Elfrith, gave
him some tallow and grain from her. Immediately aft-
er this, the deponent departed for Bermuda, leaving
the “Treasurer” and the “Seaflower,” left Bermuda
for England, 23 July 1620. [see also Warwick v. Brew-
ster p. 12 ff)”

The whole claim that the smaller “White Lion” cowed the
larger “Treasurer” in the West Indies was preposterous.
Very little of Elfrith’s charge against Jope was true. In
1620, a year after the “Bautista” episode, her stolen
slaves were still recoverable property. Therefore the
crewmembers, like Reinhold Booth, made no mention of them.
The Africans were capable of denying Elfrith’s revision
of events. Any mention of the Ndongo was completely
omitted from the testimony of the privateer’s crew. In-
deed one of those Malange Ndongo, Antonio [later named
Anthony Johnson] offered to testify on behalf of Jope
against Elfrith.

Elfrith’s testimony was transparently self-serving, but
he had powerful friends at court to back him. The court
of inquiry accepted the Elfrith version. This despite the
fact that Elfrith’s charade was additionally undermined
by a letter from the governor of Bermuda to Lord Rich as-
serting that Spanish slaves had indeed been taken when
“Treasurer” consorted with the “White Lion” and that he
had detained seven of them in view of the legal proceed-
ing in London. [The “Treasurer” had sold 14 of its share
of the slaves in Bermuda after fleeing Virginia in Sep-
tember of 1619.]

According to Wesley Frank Craven in “Dissolution of the
Virginia Company”, the Bermuda governor acknowledged that
he had concealed the theft of the Africans “for fear of
the Company’s finding it out and taxing him for not in-
forming them of it: as well as “for fear of prejudicing
your lordship”.

John Colyn Jope was never tried for the attack on the
“Bautista” despite Elfrith’s claims. Probably because he
had “20 and odd negroes”, as well as his own crew to sup-
port the true events of what occurred. But the implica-
tions against the Reverend Captain from Cornwall came
back to haunt him after 1620. The Heralds came to re-
search him for a possible coat-of-arms. Maj. Jope writes
that his ancestor’s enemies . . .

“…had the last laugh when the Herald denied him the
Jope Achievement-of-Arms. The negro Antonio [Anthony
Johnson) testified before the Virginia Company in be-
half of Jope [against Capt. Daniel Elfrith] but the
Crown would not admit the evidence at the Court of Ad-
miralty hearing.”

Anthony, Isabella, and Pedro were three of the some 200
Malange Ndongo slaves who were taken from the Portuguese
merchant-slaver from Angola whose names we know. Anthony
was married to Isabella in Virginia. They had the first
black child born in English America, [William] and bap-
tised into the Church of England.

Anthony Johnson became a prosperous Virginia-Maryland
plantation owner. Thirty years after arriving as an in-
entured servant in Virginia, Johnson had worked himself
out of servitude. He and his sons owned a thousand acres
along with some 20 white and black, male and female ser-
ants. In 1651, Johnson organized a community with twelve
other African families along the Pungoteague River in
Virginia. As early as this the Africans from the Malange
highlands of Angola showed a tendency to congregate in
kindred communities.

This first arrival was not the only Angolan presence in
the 17th century colony of Virginia. It must be remem-
bered bred that at this time England had no significant
slave traffic of its own. From 1619-1650 the Virginia
colony had only 300 Africans. Jope was the first of
other documented captains bringing Angolans to Virginia.
In 1628, Captain Arthur Guy of the ship “Warwick” cap-
tured a Spanish vessel leaving the port of Angola with
African slaves. Guy traded all of the blacks in Virginia
in exchange for tobacco.

Then in the 1650s, when the Dutch had held control of An-
gola for a decade after ousting the Portuguese, Edmund
Scarborough traveled to the Dutch colony of New Amsterdam
[New York] to buy 41 Africans for his Virginia plantation
on the Eastern Shore. This purchase was believed to have
been the largest single group of Angolan-Congo slaves to
enter Virginia up to this time. Also at this time, Ndongo
Queen Zhinga in Angola still fought wars to save her peo-
ple from European slavers continually raiding the Malange
[To Be Continued]

This is the third article in a series written exclusively
for Gowen Research Foundation. It may not be reprinted
or sold without the permission of the author. December
3, 2000.

Biography of the Author:

Tim Hashaw is an investigative reporter living in Hous-
ton, Texas. He has filed stories for CBS, ABC, and NBC
from local network affiliates and he has been a journal-
ist in radio, television and print. Tim has received
numerous national awards for excellence in journalism
from: The Radio and Television News Directors’ Associa-
tion, Associated Press, United Press International, Na-
tional Headliners Club and others. Tim is a seventh
generation Texan and a descendant of American Revolu-
tion veteran James Goyne of Mecklenburg County, Virginia.
Tim Hashaw may be reached at the address: 1937 Huge Oaks,
Houston, Texas 77055. He invites all comments on the An-
golan-Melungeon connection.


By Tim Hashaw,
December 3, 2000
All rights reserved.

In 1843 Wagner wrote “Der Fliegende Hollander” [The Fly-
ing Dutchman], a classic opera based upon a story he had
read in Heinrich Heine’s “Memoirs of Herr Von Schnabel-
wopsky”. Wagner took the historic sea captain from
Heine’s book and used him as the basis for his fictional
character of a mariner forever cursed to rove the ocean
until he was redeemed by the love of a virtuous woman.

The story follows similar fairly modern Dutch-related sea
legends. Seamen who sailed around the Cape of Good Hope
told a tale of a spectre ship forever trying to take the
Cape in a storm, helmed by a Captain Vanderdecken. The
appearance of the ghostly apparition is said to signal a
pending shipwreck.

In the North Sea, mariners tell a legend of Captain Falk-
enberg, proudly boasting he could take his ship through a
terrible storm. Failing, he too was condemned to sail
the seas forever playing dice with the devil for his soul.

But in the Wagner model taken from Heine’s book, the real-
life sea captain, also a preacher, was named Johan Chope,
and he sailed in the same era as John Colyn Jope, the
Calvinist minister, between England and the Netherlands.
Maj. Hugh F. Jope, a descendant of John Jope, whose name
was sometimes written “Chope”, called my attention to an
old book published in 1872 called “Flemish Archives of
Classical Music” by Hansel Voorhees of Amersterdam. In
this review of Wagner, Voorhees writes:

“Wagner has taken his obvious anti-semitism to new
levels in ‘Der Fliegende Hollander’ which he copied
from Heine’s ‘Memoirs of Herr Von Schabelwopsky’.
He assigned satanic symbols to the lead role of his
opera and imposed a curse on him which condemned him
to sail the seas eternally until he met and married
a good woman.

Furthermore, it was common knowledge that the origi-
nal Flying Dutchman was a “Sea Beggar” who sailed be-
tween Antwerpen and Cornwall under the Marque of Wil-
liam of Orange. His name was Johan Chope, a man of
the cloth and a gentleman also. Wagner’s ‘Flying
Dutchman’ was indeed a finely finished work but alas,
his so-called trip to the sea when he envisioned the
particulars of this work differs greatly with the
true events but is without a doubt, where the master
got the idea and imposed creative license on it.”

Was Captain Jope who brought the first ancestors of Afri-
can-America to Virginia in 1619 Wagner’s inspiration for
“Der Fliegende Hollander?” Major Jope cites the “Virgin-
ia Chronicle” of March, 1821 and an article on Captain
John Jope of the “White Lion.” It reads:

“Captain Jope had improvised a method which infuria-
ted the captains of other vessels which consorted
with him in that when the prize was sighted, he would
launch a pinnace and strip the captured ship clean
before the consorters could participate”.

It was this maneuver which earned him the reputation of
the “Flying Dutchman,” according to the Chronicle”.

We remember then the testimony of the crewmember of the
“Treasurer” after it had consorted with Jope and the
“White Lion” to capture the Portuguese merchant slaver
“Sao Juan Bautista” and her cargo of Malange Angolan
slaves in 1619.

“In 1619 the deponent was on the “Treasurer” of the
Virginia Company to Bermuda, and at the end of June
in 1619, she was compelled while in the West Indies,
to consort with a Flemish man-o-war, the “White Lion”
of Flushing under the command of Captain Chope [Jope]
who threatened to shoot at the “Treasurer” unless
Captain Elfrith obeyed his command. Chope (Jope)
had permission to seize Spanish ships and in mid-July,
1619, he took 25 men of his own and Elfrith’s and
sailed away in a pinnace.”

It was probably not by chance that after taking the Afri-
cans from the Portuguese ship out of Angola, that Captain
John Colyn Jope somehow broke away from his partner in
piracy, “The Treasurer,” and beat it back to Virginia
first. By doing so Captain John Colyn Jope earned a
place in history by bringing the first Africans to the
oldest continually existing colony in North America. The
“20 and odd” Malange Angolans he delivered to Virginia,
and the other Angolans to follow in the 17th century,
were the ancestors of the Melungeon people.

Was Captain Jope cursed? Probably not. But incidently
there is an inter-collegiate award for rowing that is
passed among the Ivy League colleges in the east, pre-
dominately Harvard and Yale. This is known as the
“Jope Cup”. The old Captain himself may not sail on for
eternity, but apparently the Jope surname will.


“Lest We Forget: The Melungeon Colony of Newman’s Ridge”
written by Jim Callahan is now off the press and avail-
able, according to the author

The story of his Melungeon ancestors has been completed
by Jim Callahan, Foundation Member of Nashville, Indiana
and has just been released. The book contains 255 pages
composed of text, maps, photographs and illustrations.

The volume is available from Amazon.com, Barns & Noble,
Borders or from Overmountain Press, Johnson City, Tennes-
see for $19.95. Orders may be placed at 1/800-992-2691.

Inquiries may be addressed to the author at 696 E. Freeman
Ridge, Nashville, IN, 47448, 812/988-9337, melungo@aol.com.


David Goings, a resident of Virginia and Indiana was
born September 15, 1783 of parents unknown according to
the research of Catherine Elizabeth Strawn Olguin, a de-
scendant of Arcadia, California. Evelyn Lee McKinley
Orr, sixth generation descendant of Omaha, Nebraska adds
that the birthplace of David and is unknown. On census
records, his children named West Virginia, Kentucky, Tur-
key, and Virginia as possible places of his birth. West
Virginia and Kentucky were part of Virginia in 1783.

David Goings was married to Susannah Williams October 30,
1803, according to her bible record page provided by Nor-
man Haskell Goings. The page also lists the birth dates
for David, Susannah and all of Susannah’s children.

No marriage record for them has been found to date, but
the marriage location was probably near the farm of the
bride’s parents along Sinking Creek in Montgomery County,
Virginia. This location today is between Pembroke, Vir-
ginia and Eagleston, Virginia in Giles County.

Susannah Williams, daughter of George Henry Williams and
Margaret Harless Williams October 2, 1783 in Montgomery
County. George Henry Williams was born April 8, 1747 in
Augusta County, [now Rockingham County] Virginia accord-
ing to Peaked Mountain Church birth and baptismal records,
as reported in “William and Mary Quarterly,” Vols. 13-14
and LDS baptismal records of Augusta, County. Both
sources show him baptized as George Henry Williams, prob-
ably was never known as George Heinrich Wilhelm, the Ger-
man version of this name. His parents were Johan Hein-
rich Wilhelm and Anna Elizabeth Sherb/Sharp Preisch Wil-
helm, German immigrants. This was a second marriage for
both parents according to the research of Richard Wil-
liams of Columbus, Ohio.

The 1770-73 tithe list of Montgomery County records list
him living in the “Lower District of New River, Sinking
Creek, Thoms Creek, Greenbrier Run and the mouth of
Spruce Creek.” From 1769-1772 his land was located in
Botetourt County, Virginia; from 1772-1776 it was in Fin-
castle County, and from 1776 to 1806, it was in Montgom-
ery County. The Williams family cemetery was located
“near old Maybrook,” according to Ethel Walters, Williams
family historian.

In 1806, Giles County, Virginia was organized with land
from Montgomery County.

George Henry Williams died March 7, 1820 in Giles County.
His will provided that his widow was to receive one-third
of “the land I live on and adjoining land on the south
side of Sinking Creek.” Five daughters, “Elizabeth Al-
bert, Margaret Burk, Polly Hatfield, Susannah Goins and
Catherine Stafford” were mentioned in the will. He also
mentioned the children of a daughter-in-law, Widow Wil-
liams. He referred to them as children that she had by
my son, Michael Williams. He bequeathed to his son, Fred-
erick Williams the “plantation on the north side of Sink-
ing Creek, where he now lives.” He also mentions his son,
George Henry Williams, Jr. whose land “adjoined David

George Henry Williams also devised to his grandson, Henry
Williams, “son of Susannah Goins,” one beast when he
comes of age. He also stated, “it is my desire that Da-
vid Goins and his wife take Henry.” George Henry Wil-
liams, Jr. was named executor. The will was proven in
May 1822 by witnesses, John Burk, Christian Snidow and
Isaiah Givens, according to Giles County Will Book A,
page 310.

Susannah Williams was apparently the mother of two sons
when she was married to David Goings. According to her
bible record, she had two sons, “Henry Williams born Oc-
tober 30, 1801 and James Williams born March 29, 1802,”
before her marriage to David Goings. “The birth years
are possibly cor­rect, but the months must be in error,”
wrote Evelyn Lee McKinley Orr. Catherine Elizabeth
Strawn suggests that the sons were fathered by Jacob Wil-
liams, unidentified.

David Goings received a gift deed from George Henry Wil-
liams April 3, 1807 of 150 acres, according to Giles
County Deed Book 1:

“For consideration of love and affection and the fur-
ther consideration of $1.00, a parcel of land con-
taining 150 acres in the County of Giles on the wa-
ters of Sinking Creek, a branch of New River being
all that part of two tracts of land . . . which is
combined in two patents, one patent paid to Henry
Sharp assignee of James Salles and is for one hun-
dred twelve acres of land and bears the date 1786
the other patent is paid to George Williams, as-
signee of Henry Sharp for 370 acres of land which
bears the patent date 17 of January 1793.”

David Goings was listed as a resident of Giles County in
the census of 1810, according to “Index to 1810 Virginia
Cen­sus” by Madeline W. Crickard.

“The 1815 Giles County, Virginia Tax List,” pages B-6 and
B-16 included “David Goens, white male, over age 16, no
slaves, 3 horses, 4 cattle, with land along Sinking Creek
near Salt Pond Mt, Doe Creek and Knob Mt.” His land was
located adjacent to the home place of his father-in-law,
George Henry Williams. His land was located between pre-
sent-day Pembroke and Eagleston in Giles County.

He reappeared as the head of a household in the 1820 cen-
sus of Giles County, page 116:

“Goings, David white male 26-45
white female over 45
white male 16-26
white male 16-26
white female 10-16
white female 10-16
white male 0-10
white male 0-10
white male 0-10
white female 0-10
white female 0-10
white female 0-10”

Three members of the household were engaged in agricul-

Williams family researcher, Ethel Walters of Pembroke,
Virginia suggested in 1989 that David Goings had family,
perhaps a brother, in Montgomery County, which may have
influenced him to move there.

“John Gowens” was enumerated as the head of a household
in the 1820 census of Montgomery County:

“Gowens, John white male 26-45
white female 26-45
white female 0-10”

On June 21, 1824 David Goings sold one parcel of land to
Guy French for $380 and another parcel to Guy French July
22, 1824 for $550. Other land records in Giles County in
1824 show indenture agreements between David Goings and
some creditors to pay off debts. One agreement was made
the 5th day of July 1824 with Henry Williams, the first-
born son of Susannah Williams Goings.

Sometime after the land sales in 1824 and possibly before
December of 1825 when their daughter Katherine was mar-
ried, David Goings moved to Montgomery County, Virginia.
Marriage records for his five daughters are in Montgomery
County. This move probably placed him closer to Newbern,
Virginia. Norman Goings, family historian, wrote in 1939
that the nearest town to David Goings was Newbern and was
also near the location of his daughter, Katherine.

“David Goaings” appeared as the head of a household in
the 1830 census of Montgomery County, page 67:

“Goaings, David white male 40-50
white female 40-50
white male 15-20
white female 15-20
white female 15-20
white male 10-15
white male 10-15
white male 10-15
white male 5-10
white male 0-5”

Evelyn Lee McKinley Orr wrote:

“In 1831 and in 1832, two of the married daughters of Da-
vid and Susannah left the mountains of the New River area
of southwestern Virginia and moved to Indiana. Word had
reached Virginia that land was available in Delaware
County. Members of the Goings family were among the very
first to purchase land from the federal government in
Liberty Township.”

On December 24, 1831, David sent the following letter to
his daughter, Elizabeth Goings Campbell, shortly after
she had moved to Indiana. It isn’t known if he wrote it
or had some else write it for him. The original was
written on a large sheet of paper, half of it being used
for the correspondence and the other half turned over
and sealed with wax to form an envelope:

“Dear Children,

I take the present opportunity of writing a hasty line to
you. We were glad to hear by Mr. Ribble that you were
all well or nearly well. I truly hope that you may enjoy
good health and also that you may be pleased with that
fine rich country. Your letter by Mr. Cecil last fall
brought us the distressing news of the death of your
daughter, Sally. It is needless for me now to turn back
to notice the afflicting circumstance. It is our duty to
be resigned.

My family and all your other relations in this country
are well as far as I know. I will mention the death of
one of your aunts, Mrs. Elizabeth Albert which took place
several months ago. Mr. Ribble can tell you more of the
news of our neighborhood than I can write. I expect to
come and see you next fall.

Your loving father,
David Goings.

My daughter Rachel and all my family joins in love to

The letter was sent with a Mr. Ribble who was traveling
to Indiana. Many friends and neighbors of the Goings
left the rocky hills of Virginia for cheap and fertile
land in Indiana. In 1939, the original letter was in
the possession of Anna Campbell Powers, granddaughter of
Elizabeth Goings Campbell. A typewritten version of the
letter appeared in the research of Norman Goings in 1939.

David Goings wrote in the letter of December of 1831 that
he would be coming to visit that next fall. David Susan-
nah and their sons came to Indiana to live about 1833.
The eldest son, Frederick, may have come in 1832 with the
East family. Three married daughters remained in Virgin-
ia. In 1832, a cabin on the farm of Ashel Thornburg was
converted into a school house, and Anderson R. East, son-
in-law of David and Susannah, taught there during that
and the succeeding winter. After arriving in 1833, the
younger Goings sons probably attended this school and
were taught by Anderson East or Samuel Campbell. School-
ing in Indiana was paid for by individual subscription
until public law provided free schools in 1851-52.

On February 21, 1835, “David Goings” purchased land in
section 17 of Liberty township, Delaware County. It was
located a mile west of Selma, Indiana. The tract book of
original land entries lists 40 acres in Sec. 17, twp 20,
Range 11E on “1/Nov/1826.” The year “1826” is an obvious
typing error in the book and was possibly “01/Nov/1836.”
the recording date for the February 1835 purchase.

The Goings family was among the first to settle in Liber-
ty township, and section 17 of Liberty township was en-
tered as early as 1833 and as late as 1837. The first
road built in Delaware County was built in 1829. It
crossed the township and ran from Windsor, Indiana in
Randolph County, due east to Muncitown, [now Muncie] In-
diana. The county had 2,272 inhabitants in 1830. The
area was described as generally level with the soil part
loam mixed with sand and very productive. Heavy stands
of timber consisting chiefly of walnut, ash, hickory,
buckeye, beech, popular, and oak with an undergrowth of
redbud, sassafras, and spice were found there. The chief
staples raised were wheat for flour, corn, pork, potatoes
and livestock. Muncietown had recently been established
and was the seat of justice. The largest rush of set-
tlers came during the years 1835-40, according to “Our
County, It’s History and Early Settlement” by John S.

According to Norman Haskell Goings, the original Goings
farms in Section 17 were still owned by the Goings family
in 1939.

Evelyn McKinley Orr wrote:

“On a visit to Muncie in 1989, I learned from a local
historian, Ira Bailey, that the Goings were all gone from
Delaware County at that time. Some Campbells and Easts
were still teaching in the Muncie area, according to Ro-
sella Cartwright of the Delaware County Historical So-
ciety who assisted me. A few years after the family came
to Indiana, David Goings returned to Virginia.”

Norman Haskell Goings wrote

“Grandfather rode a horse back to Virginia to the
home of Jacob Surface, husband of his daughter Kather-
ine. He then went to Pearisburg to the home of his
daughter, Rachel Goings Burton. There he sickened
and died. He was buried in an old cemetery in that
town. This was April 26, 1840. His death occurred
long before telegraph and mail service and the fam-
ily in Indiana did not know for years what happened.

“Ella Sales and Mildred Goings tried to find the
grave in 1908 and in 1916 so a tombstone could be
placed on it. On their 1916 trip, an old man pointed
out the burial spot to them and said, ‘It’s right

Mildred and I went there in 1933. She knew the spot
the old man had indicated, but we could not locate
the grave exactly.”

In a codicil of her will dated January 24, 1846 Susannah
Williams Going specified “William Chapman of Virginia to
be paid the amount that David Goings went [on] his fa-
ther’s bail.” The meaning of the bequest is obscure, but
it is suggested that court records of Delaware County,
Indiana or Montgomery County, Virginia might reveal some-
thing more about the pur­pose of the trip of David Goings
to Virginia.

Susannah Williams Goings purchased land from her son
Fred­erick Goings and his wife, Hannah Hoover Goings De-
cember 29, 1837. The transaction was recorded in May
1838. She paid $125 for 40 acres located in the northeast
quarter of Section 17, township 20, Range 11 of Delaware
County. This land was adjacent to the original Goings
land and to the East and Campbell farms, as shown on the
1861 atlas of the county.

In November 1839, Susannah Williams Goings sold land in
Section 17 to A. R. East. The farms of the Easts, Camp-
bells and Goings were all located northwest of Smith-
ville, Indiana, the oldest village in Liberty township.
It originated with a small group of houses along the
White River. All of the early settlers settled near the
rivers first. In the early 1850s a rail­road, the Belle-
fontaine & Indianapolis, came through the county near
Selma a few miles away, and this sounded the death-knell
for Smithfield.

On the 18th day of March 1843 Susannah Williams Goings
wrote her will which was published in “Indiana Wills, Ft.
Wayne Indiana Library, 1988,” Vol. 2, pages 40-42. The
original in the County Recorder’s office in Muncie reads:

“I, Susannah Goings of the County of Delaware in the
State of Indiana do make and publish this my last will
and testament in manner and form following that is to

First, it is my will that after my decease all my just
debts and funeral expenses be fully paid and satisfied.

Second, I give, devise and bequeath to my two sons
Lewis Goings and John Williams Goings the farm on
which we now reside known and described as follows
to wit, all the North West fourth of the North West
quarter of Section No. Sixteen in Township No. 20
North of Range North Eleven East and all of the
North East fourth of the North East quarter of Sec-
tion No. Seventeen in Township No. Twenty North of
Range Eleven East. The whole estimate to contain
eighty acres share and share alike.

Third, it is my will that my three sons William Go-
ings, Lewis Goings and John Williams Goings shall
each have a horse after they arrive at the age of
twenty one years and that John Williams Goings shall
have my bed, bedding and bedstead and one cow.

Fourth, it is my will that the balance of my per-
sonal property be sold and divided equally amongst
my chil­dren, the heirs of those who are deceased
to have the share of their deceased parent, namely
Henry Williams, James Williams, Elizabeth Campbell,
Catherine Surface, Mary East, Margaret Brown, Rachel
Burton, Frederick Goings, David Goings, Joseph Addi-
son Goings, William Goings, Lewis Goings, and John
Williams Goings. In testimony I have appointed
John Richey of the County of Delaware to be the
Executor of this My Last Will and Testament hereby
annulling all former wills by me at any time here-
tofore made or executed.

In witness whereof I have here unto set my hand and
seal this eighteenth day of March AD Eighteen Hun-
dred and Forty Three.
Susannah [X] Goings
John Richey
Elizabeth Richey”

On the 24th day of January, 1846 she added a codicil to
the will, whereby she specified that,

“My youngest son, John Williams Goings shall have
the North forty, dividing the land East and West and
also all the grain and meat that may remain on hand
at the time of my decease and also a horse beast
worth sixty dollars or its equivalent in cash or
other property worth sixty dollars, also the table

It is my will that after my decease, my son Lewis
Goings shall have the bay mare and shall have a
share of the fruit of the orchard for ten years.
John Burton [son-in-law] of Virginia to be paid
$16.00 and William Chapman of Virginia to be paid
the amount that David Goings went his father’s bail.

Elizabeth East, my granddaughter to have my clock
and Susannah Goings, daughter of my son Joseph Addi-
son to have my table cloth.”

Susannah Goings sold a parcel of land to her son, Wil-
liams Goings October 20, 1843.

On the 1850 Federal census she listed a $1,000 value for
her farm. Her youngest son, John Williams Goings, was
still living at home. Susannah Williams Goings died
September 29, 1855 at age 71. Her will was probated Oc-
tober 30,1855.

In 1989, Evelyn McKinley Orr visited Truitt Cemetery near
Selma where Susannah is buried. She wrote:

“The main road that once passed alongside the ceme-
tery was overgrown with tall grasses. The cemetery,
on private land, is completely overgrown with trees
and brush. Vandals and time have destroyed or bur-
ied almost all of the headstones. County officials
are aware of this. The approximate location is
marked on the 1861 Land Atlas.”

In 1939, Norman Haskell Goings wrote that Susannah had a
well preserved marker and a good location in the grave-
yard. He added:

“My father, John Williams Goings, enjoyed telling us
he was a ‘Tuck-a-ho,” a nickname for native Turks.
He often said his father was born in Turkey, but he
could never explain why we have an English name. My
notion is that Grandfather Goings was not a native
Turk, his ancestors having been in American a genera-
tion or more, but my father and Uncle David had many
features of the old men from Turkey.”

According to the research of Evelyn McKinley, Tuck-a-hoe
is not a nickname for native Turks, but when John Wil-
liams Goings heard his father say that he was a ‘Tuck-a-
hoe,” he was giving vague clues to socio-economic back-
ground of David Goings. That term was often applied to
an inhabitant of Lower Virginia and to the poor land in
that part of the state. In some parts of the South,
“Tuckahoe” means “poor white.” It was also a general
term applied to bulbous roots used by the Indians of this
region for food, according to “Hodges Handy Book of Indi-
ans North of Mexico,” Volume 2, page 831. It was also a
name sometimes applied to North American Indians. The
Blue Ridge Mountains divided the Old Dominion into two
nations called the Tuckahoes in the lowlands and the
Quo’hees in the highlands, according to “The Oxford Eng-
lish Dictionary,” Second Edition, page 649.

Hazel M. Wood wrote October 31, 1989 that “David Goings
was one of those persons with swarthy skin and fine fea-
tures, sometimes regarded as Melungeons. Some of his
descendants resembled people of Afghanistan or India.”
In 1990 Hazel M. Wood provided Evelyn McKinley Orr with
a copy of Norman Haskell Goings’ three pages of family
notes, a copy of the bible page record of Susannah Wil-
liams and a list of descendants and spouses’ names com-
piled by Bruce Blank.

Evelyn McKinley Orr wrote in December 2000 that many de-
scendants of Joseph Addison Goings displayed fine North-
ern European features of other family lines. Some des-
cendants also displayed physical features amd swarthy
skin color of people from the Mediterranean, Middle East
or Southern Europe areas. The family tradition of her
Goings in Iowa was that they were thought to be French.

Two sons were born to Susannah Williams before her mar-
riage to David Goings, according to her bible record:

Henry Williams born October 30, 1800
James Williams born March 29, 1802

The names and dates of birth of all the children of Sus-
annah Williams Goings were recorded in her bible, along
with her marriage date. A copy of this bible page ap-
peared in the research of Norman Haskell Goings.

Children born to David Goings and Susannah Williams Go-
ings include:

Elizabeth Goings born March 29, 1804
Katherine Goings born April 21, 1805
Mary “Polly” Goings born January 29, 1807
[infant] born in 1808
Margaret “Peggy” Goings born February 5, 1810
Rachel Goings born November 27, 1811
Sally Goings born November 14, 1813
Frederick Goings born May 1, 1815
David Goings, Jr. born March 22, 1817
George Goings born October 4, 1818
Joseph Addison Goings born February 20, 1820
William Goings born January 1, 1822
Lewis A. Goings born June 30, 1823
John Williams Goings born December 16, 1826

5)  Dear Cousins

I knew my father as James Walter Christy born August 30,
1889 in Folkston, Georgia. His parents were Thomas Al-
bert Christy and Georgia Victoria Christy, as far as I
knew. In a search of the 1900 Charlton County census, it
was found that my father was enumerated as “James Gowen,
age 11, born in August 1889, adopted son of Thomas Chres-

I have found nothing on Thomas Albert Christy, but I have
located the grave of Georgia Victoria Christy in Pineview
-Bachlott Cemetery in Folkston.

If my father were adopted, then I must turn to the Gowen
family of southeast Georgia to find my biological ances-
tors. Can the Foundation help to locate my Gowen family?

Drew Christy

==Dear Cousins==

The Lee County [Florida] Genealogical Society will spon-
sor a seminar in Ft. Myers on January 13, 2001. The
guest speaker will be Linda Woodward Geiger, C.G.R.S.
Sessions topics include “Designing An Efficient Research
Plan, Documentation: Never Having to Ask “Where Did That
Come From?”, Using Deeds to Solve Genealogical Problems,
and Using Federal Naturalization Records. Details are
available from: pabetty@peganet.com

==Dear Cousins==

I am looking for further info on my Goins family of Ten-

Julius C. Goins, born 1868 in TN, married to Caldona Cow-
den, daughter of Thomas Cowden of TN. Julius died 1933
in Strang, Mayes Co., OK. Julius & Caldona had the fol-
lowing children:Thomas Straley, Alvin C, Polly Ann, Eras-
mus “Guy”, and Edith. I am from Thomas Straley Goins line
and would like to know more about the descendants of his

Thomas Straley Goins, born 1888 in TN died 1932 in Strang
Mayes Co., OK, married to Nellie Jane Craig, daughter of
James Edward Craig and Elvira “Jane” Luttrell.

Thomas Straley Goins & Nellie Jane Craig had a daughter
named Corda Mae GOINS born 1917 in Strang. She married
to Lloyd Byrl Fisher, son of Manford Fisher & Stella
Blair. Manford Fisher was a blacksmith in the Strang area.
Corda Mae Goins and Lloyd Byrl Fisher are my grandpar-
ents, they migrated to Washington State with his sister,
Luella Fisher Johnson.

Any and all information on any of the above families
would be very much appreciated.

Jody Fisher Offen
4215 Pine Avenue
Bremerton, WA, 98310

The Northern Arizona Genealogical Society annual Family
History Center Workshop will be held in Prescott, Arizona
on January 27, 2001. For additional information, check
the society’s website: http://www.surnames.com/nags/.

==Dear Cousins==

The Whittier [California] Area Genealogical Society will
host their annual seminar 24 Feb 2001. This year’s speaker
will be Richard Wilson, author of computer books for gene-
alogist and articles for national genealogy magazines. He
will present a summary of some of the popular genealogy
programs, how to use the Internet for effective genealog-
ical research, and on to some of the more advanced tech-
niques, such as using a scanner to add photographs to
your printed genealogy. Details are available at:



NOTE:  The above information produced by the Gowen Research Foundation (GRF), and parts of the “Gowen Manuscript” they worked on producing.  It has tons of information – much of it is correct, but be careful, some of it is not correct – so check their sources and logic.  I’ve copied some of their information in the past researching my own family, only to find out there were some clear mistakes.   So be sure to check the information to verify if it is right before citing the source and believing the person who researched it before was 100% correct.  Most of the information I found there seems to be correct, but some is not.

Their website is:  Internet: http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.com/~gowenrf

There does not seem to be anyone “manning the ship” at the Gowen Research Foundation, or Gowen Manuscript site any longer, and there is no way to contact anyone about any errors.   The pages themselves don’t have a mechanism to leave a note for others to see any “new information” that you may have that shows when you find info that shows something is wrong, or when something has been verified.

Feel free to leave messages about any new information found, or errors in these pages, or information that has been verified that those who wrote these pages may not have known about.

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