2000 – 11 Nov Newsletter – GRF

Sections in this issue:

2) Amasa Vernon Going Killed In the Battle of Atlanta;
3) Martha Angeline Gowan at Age 13 Assisted Her Confederate Uncle with Amputation;
4) Dear Cousins.

All Gowen Manuscript Pages and Newsletters:   https://goyengoinggowengoyneandgone.com/gowen-research-foundation-pages-and-info/

Gowen Research Foundation
Electronic Newsletter

November 2000
Volume 3 No. 11


By Tim Hashaw
Editorial Boardmember
1937 Huge Oaks Houston, Texas, 77065
E-mail: wildwestgifts4u@aol.com

Part II:

Captives of War

The Melungeon chapter of American history opens with the
onset of Portuguese colonial conquest of interior Angola
in the year 1618. Mendes de Vasconcelos combined his
army with Imbangala mercenary warriors and pierced into
the heart of the Ndongo kingdom between the Lukala and
Kwanza rivers of the Malange highlands of north-central
Angola on the southern border of Congo. The captured
Ndongo were sold and put aboard New World-bound Spanish
ships, some of which lost their Malange Angola slaves to
English and Dutch pirates.

These Ndongo, originally of the Malange plateau region of
west central Africa, were brought to the English colony
of Virginia in 1619. They, and later Malange arrivals to
Jamestown and other colonies in the 17th century, became
the ancestors of the North American tri-racial people
known as Melungeons. “Malange” remains the name of the
province in modern Angola today. That word, with various
deriviations, is commonly attached to several localities
in one general area of northern Angola and southern Congo.

In the aftermath of the brutal 1618-1619 Portuguese inva-
sion, historian Manuel Bautista Soares recorded, that by
September 1619, the bodies of thousands of butchered
Ndongo were polluting the rivers and a “great multitude
of innocent people had been captured without cause.”
John Thornton, professor of history at Millersville Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania, wrote in an article for “William
and Mary Quarterly,” July, 1998:

“The demographic impact of this war was starkly obvi-
ous when the [Portuguese] campaign was resumed the
ext year [1619]; the army met no resistance in any
part of the back-country [Sertao], these provinces
having become destitute of inhabitants.”

Deaf to the pleas of Catholic priests and Portuguese set-
tlers whose lands were ravaged, Vasconcelos let the kill-
ing and enslavement continue for months unabated. Vogado
Sotomaior, the ‘ouvidor geral de Angola’, wrote of the
royal Ndongo city of Kabasa, that it was “sacked in such
a way that many thousands of souls were captured, killed
and eaten” as the Imbangala rampaged through the defeated
kingdom unchallenged.

Vasconcellos cannot be excused for patriotic motives for
he was stripping the Malange province, contrary to the
orders of his king, with the sole personal ambition of
slave profiteering in the markets of the New World.
Soares wrote of Vasconcellos, that as he had Imbangala
mercenaries, “the wars were without any danger, but with
discredit to the Portuguese.”

So devastating was the slavery campaign waged against the
Ndongo of the Malange, that captives, numbering in the
many thousands, choked the capabilities of the Portuguese
to hold them. Marched to the port of Luanda, the Ndongo
prisoners who had not been slaughtered and eaten by the
Imbangala, were placed in flimsy, hastily built pens
which could not nearly contain them all. Hundreds of the
Ndongo simply walked away in all the commotion, fading
into the forests. In addition, only 36 merchant-slave
ships arrived at Luanda Angola in the fiscal year 1618-
1619. Each ship was capable of carrying an average of
350-400 captives, not nearly enough for Vasconcelos to
efficiently dispose of slaves who must be fed.

The Malange-Ndongo captives remained penned up while the
slow but steady trickle of slavers arrived to load them
for the terrible Atlantic voyage to Spanish colonies in
the New World. Rarely in the history of African slavery
from 1400-1800 had such a large group of slaves sharing a
common identity, been assembled as those captives of the
Portuguese taken from the Malange highlands in 1619.

Fifty thousand would be shipped in three years, all from
the same Angolan province. Those first Africans landing
in Virginia in 1619, and the largest percentage of those
arriving on into the late 1640s, had a common regional
language and ethnicity. These were the founding fathers
of black America, and the ancestors of the people called

The Common Identity of the Malange-Ndongo Angolans

To understand the origin of the Melungeon people, it can-
not be repeated enough that the greater part of Portu-
guese, and then Dutch, Angola slaves from 1618-1650,
came from a relatively small concentrated area; from the
Ndongo tribal land of the Malange plateau between the Lu-
kala and Lutete rivers. Thornton makes the point that
these thousands of captured prisoners of the Vasconcelos
campaigns, shared a closer common identity than was usu-
ally the case with single shiploads containing mere hun-
dreds. These Angolan Africans retained that common Ma-
lange identity after they were transported to the Ameri-
cas. Thorton writes:

“In America, when Kimbundu-speaking people were able
to communicate and visit each other, a sense of an
“Angolan Nation” emerged. It was certainly observable
in Spanish America, if not yet at the very beginnings
of English-speaking Virginia’s reception of Africans.”

Because of this common identity, we can see how the an-
cestors of the Melungeons could succeed as a distinctive
group, almost immediately after arriving in the English-
American colonies in the 17th century. The Ndongo home-
land was densely populated in the narrow strip of land
between its two rivers. One Malange city with its sub-
urbs of the late 16th century, was said to have held
nearly 100,000 residents; an exaggerated number no doubt,
but indicative of the European perception of the populous

Several tightly packed towns were separated at intervals
by sections of farmland. The Ndongo were urbanized, yet
they grew crops and kept domesticated animals. They
were certainly better equipped to face the North American
wilderness than were many of their white colonial count-
erparts; European indentured servants who had been
plucked from the prisons, alleys, brothels, and taverns
of London and Bristol. These Ndongo grew sorghum and
millet and kept large herds of cattle as well as goats
and chickens before the Portuguese invasion.

Scholars marvel at the comparitive ease with which the
early Africans entered into English-American colonial
life. Lerone Bennett Jr. in his book “Before the May-
flower,” says,

“There were skilled farmers and artisans among the
first group of African-Americans, and there are in-
dications in the record that they were responsible
for various innovations later credited to English
immigrants. An early example of this was reported
in Virginia, where the governor ordered rice to be
planted in 1648 ‘on the advice of our Negroes.'”

And, Washington Irving observed of the early Virginia Af-

“These Negroes, like the monks of the Dark Ages, en-
gross all the Knowledge of the place, and being in-
finitely more adventurous and more knowing than their
masters, carry on all the foreign trade; making fre-
quent voyages in canoes loaded with oysters, butter-
milk and cabbages. They are great astrologers pre-
dicting the different changes of weather almost as
accurately as an almanac.”

It is not then amazing that often in the space of less
than a few years after arriving from African, a Malange-
Angolan could climb from the bottom of the Virginia soc-
ial class of the 17th century, to ownership of a prosper-
ous plantation with servants of his own. By 1651, the
Ndongo transplant, Anthony Johnson, owned land and im-
ported servants, some of them white, in the original Vir-
ginia colony. The abstract of his deed reads:

“Anthony Johnson, 250 acs. Northampton Co., 24 July
1651. . . at great Naswattock Creek, by two small
branches issuing out of the mayne Creek.” “Trans-
fer of persons: Tho.Bemrose, Peter Bughby, Antho.
Cripps, Jno Gesorroro, Richard Johnson.”

In the next year his son John Johnson, owned 550 acres
with 11 slaves, male and female, black and white. Their
names were listed as; John Edward, Wm. Routh, Tho. Yowell,
Fra. Maland, William Price, John Owen, Dorothy Rily,
Richard Hemstead, Law, Barnes, Row, Rith, Mary Johnson.

Therefore, less than thirty years after capture in Ma-
lange Angola, and arriving as a slave in Virginia, An-
thony Johnson and his family possessed nearly 1,000 acres
and at least 16 slaves in the Virginia colony.

Lerone Bennett writes about early African achievements:

“Not only did pioneer blacks vote, but they also held
public office. There was a black surety in York
County, Virginia in the first decades of the 17th
century, and a black beadle [court crier or bailiff]
in Lancaster County, Virginia.”

As long as the rules to success were evenly observed by
all sides, the Melungeon forefathers matched the European
whites in social and economic advances. After 1660, when
discriminatory laws began to shackle their dreams, the
children of the original Malange-Angolans would be forced
to push out to the frontiers of the American wilderness,
blazing new trails to cherished freedom. Many 18th cen-
tury white pioneers, believing they were intruding into
virgin forests, were often surprised to find the multi-
racial children of the original 17th century African-
Americans ahead of them. Whenever new territory opened
in the later United States, the Melungeons were often the
first to dare to settle there. The Ndongo life-style of
their fathers was well suited to pioneer life in America.

Portuguese Influences

The Europeans and their customs were not entirely new to
the people from the Malange highlands. As early as the
16th century, the Portuguese had made contact with Congo
people to the immediate north of Angola. At that time,
the Ndongo kingdom was a vassal state, subject to Congo
rulers. King Alphonso, [1509-42] of Congo opened his na-
tion to Portuguese missionaires and commerce. The Ndon-
go of Malange had, for decades prior to their captivity
in 1618-1619, bartered with the whites while speaking a
common trade language. African exposure to the Virginia
colony was not as alien to the Malange as might be as-

Portugal was unlike other colonial powers in that it re-
garded its colonies as “states” and, according to “Brit-
tanica,” Angola was the largest state of Portugal with
its inhabitants accorded citizenship during its colonial
era. Portuguese law also required all African captives
to be baptized and converted to Christianity before pas-
sage to the New World. By 1619, Kimbundu-speaking
Christians were already worshipping in Angola. Jesuit
priests who came with the first Portuguese army in 1575
had produced catechismal literature in the language
spoken by the Malange Ndongo.

Thornton writes concerning that literature:

“Such a rudimentary instruction was probably orient-
ed to the syncretic practice of the Angolan church,
which followed patterns, already a century old, from
the Kongo church that had originally fertilized it.
Thus, early 17th century Spanish Jesuits, conducting
an investigation of the state of knowledge of the
Christian religion among newly arrived slaves, found
that, for all the problems they noted, the Angolan
slaves seem to have adequate understanding of the
faith by the time they arrived.”

It is therefore likely that the Malange slaves bound for
the mines of Mexico before English pirates diverted them
to Virginia, had, at the very least, a basic education in
Christianity before arriving. In the colonies and later
in the states, a number of Melungeon descendants insisted
they were Portuguese Christians who should be exempt from
chattel slavery. Sometimes they even produced documents
to support these claims. A number of court cases are on
record into the 19th century detailing Melungeons arguing
Portuguese citizenship.

American scholars often have misinterpreted these claims
of Portuguese nationality, as attempts by the children of
mixed race to escape slavery by denying their African
heritage. A better explanation is that these children of
the Malange Angolans were rightfully insisting on the
Christian heritage of their fathers in Africa before
slave ships brought them to America in the 17th century.
North American white slave-owners were inclined to hide
these baptisms of African-born Catholic chattel slaves
because of the “shame” of one Christian kidnapping and
owning another.

Sometimes the Melungeons won their suits, sometimes they
lost their freedoms. This people stubbornly maintained
their memory of Portuguese nationality for more than two
centuries, passing it down by word-of-mouth as they did
the name “Melungeon”, when they were forbidden to read or
write. To them, “Portuguese” did not mean they were not
African. It meant rather that they had been baptised in-
to Christianity while still in Africa and therefore they
should not be made slaves by other Christians.

Early Malange-Angolan Status in North American Colonies

In early 1619, Spanish merchant-slave ships began arriv-
ing at the Portuguese slave markets in the port of Luanda
to take delivery of the Malange-Ndongo captives for the
difficult trans-Atlantic voyage. Over the next two years,
50,000 Kimbundu-speaking Angolans would be dragged on-
board for destination to Spanish plantations and mines.
But, for a small handful of the Malange-Ndongo packed in-
to tight, dark and filthy compartments, there was deter-
mined another destination and another fate when two cor-
sairs, an English and a Dutch privateer, captured one
Spanish ship and stole its human cargo.

The first Malange-Angolans, the famous “20 and odd Ne-
groes” from the Dutch man-o-war anchoring at Jamestown in
August 1619 were not the earliest slaves in Virginia.
The first slaves of Virginia were white Englishmen, and
this is an important observation to make about the first
decades of the American colony.

There was very little practical distinction in the words
“servant” and “slave” in the 17th century though much has
been made of the use of the former title in regards to
the status of the first Africans to America. Whites of-
ten entered the colony, like Africans, with very little
choice. The premature mortality rate in Virginia before
1620, due to hunger, disease and Indian wars, was an in-
credibly high fifty-percent of all settlers. For the
period 1620-22, some have argued credibly that the death
rate was even higher.

European whites, providing colonial labor, had been com-
pelled to cross the Atlantic because they were poor, or
felons, or religious dissenters, or prostitutes or the
ne’er-do-well sons of gentlemen. Frequently, lower
class English citizens were kidnapped from English
streets like the Africans who came later. They were
crammed aboard ships usually already overloaded with
moldy food supplies and swarming with disease-carrying

To study the passenger lists of some ships is to witness
a European Middle Passage sometimes as perilous as the
African passage. The European survivors, upon arrival in
Virginia, were sold to the highest bidder, often by the
ship’s captain. Whether white or black, indentured ser-
vants were at the mercy of masters who could injure and
even kill them without legal repercussion. Colonial ser-
vitude was so harsh and certain masters so hated, that
many indentured whites joined indentured blacks in small
groups to flee into the wilderness or to attempt to reach
another colony. But those “servants” who remained and
survived in the early years could attain freedom regard-
less of their skin color.

In his book, “Before the Mayflower,” Lerone Bennett Jr.
writes about the founders of African-America to the ear-
liest settlements:

“In Virginia, then, as in other colonies, the first
black settlers fell into a well-established socio-
economic groove which carried with it no impli-
cations of racial inferiority. That came later.
But in the interim, a period of forty years or more,
the first black settlers accumulated land, voted,
testified in court and mingled with whites on a ba-
sis of equality. They owned other black servants
and certain blacks imported and paid for white
servants whom they apparently held in servitude.”

About 1670, the European settlers began passing laws for-
bidding black freedmen from owning white servants. Both
white and black were also forbidden to intermarry, even
though such laws were generally ignored on the colonial
frontier as late as the 19th century. But before then in
North America, when social distinction was not of race,
but of class, the Malange-Angolan ancestors of the Melun-
geon were able to achieve frequent successes.

Not Just Black or White

The Malange-Angolans who began arriving in Virginia in
1619 were not even the first African slaves in the colon-
ial era of North America. About 100 years earlier, 500
Spaniards with 100 African slaves built a settlement
thought to be in present day South Carolina on the Peedee
River. In October or November of 1526, the slaves re-
belled against their Spanish masters and fled to nearby
Indian villages. The Spaniards returned to Haiti, de-
serting the settlement and leaving the Africans with the
Indians. The descendants of these Africans who intermar-
ried with Indians, survived to see the arrival of the
first English settlers some 80 years laer, and indeed
they survive presently.

There are other stories of similar situations in which
Africans were stranded along the Atlantic coast of North
America. In addition, there are also legends of isola-
ted, forgotten colonies of whites living among the In-
dians prior to the English settlers. John Haywood, a
Tennessee judge, circa 1820, described early whites liv-
ing among the Cherokee; whites who possessed a cross,
iron tools, and a bell which summoned them to meetings,
and which indicated perhaps a Catholic past.

But it is the later-arriving Malange-Angolans who hold
the important keys of discovering more about multi-racial
groups which predated even them. For it was those James-
town, Virginia Africans whose lives were first documented
in detail in existing records of passenger lists, census,
property deeds, marriage licenses, obituaries, probates,
lawsuits, and military records. These Angolan ancestors
of the Melungeons are the earliest, continually-surviv-
ing, individually recorded African-Americans. We can
reliably trace them as they moved in and among other mul-
ti-racial groups, and we can bring those other groups in-
to better focus through their contact with Melungeons.

As long as those Melungeon ancestors were treated fairly
in the American colonies, they remained and prospered.
But by the 1670s, when restrictive laws began popping up
on the books, many once-free African-Americans clung to
their cherished liberty by trail-blazing into the unset-
tled frontier where they forged new alliances. Once we
have correctly noted the complex layers of early mixed-
race history in America, we will then by able to distin-
guish the specific identities of African-Indians, Afri-
can-Europeans, European-Indians, and European-African-
Indian communities; the Witkop, Lumbee, Brass Ankles,
Redbones, Cajun, Haliwa Indians, Guineas, Wesorts, Sabine
or Houmas, Carmel Indians, Nanticokes and Moores, the
Brown People of Virginia and Turks. These Melungeons,
Lumbees and other early multi-racial groups have distinc-
tively different origins, even as members of one group
sometimes intermarried with another non-white group.
This series of articles chiefly concerns the Malange-An-
golan origin of the Melungeon people; an origin pre-dat-
ing the arrival of the Pilgrims of Plymouth Rock by a

The English surname “Gowen”, [with its many variations of
Goins, Givens, Going, Guines, Goyne, Guynes etc.] origi-
nated in the American colonies among these first Angolans.
The Gaelic meaning of “Gowen” is “smith” and was just as
common as our “Smith.” As such a common surname it was
often adopted by newly arriving blacks lacking a surname.
Today, “Gowen” and its derivitives are found in nearly
all multi-racial groups in North America. But the adop-
tion of “Gowen” is first documented among Malange-Ango-
lans in the Virginia colony of the early 17th century.
They were the earliest, best documented Africans inte-
grated into the society of what would become the United
States of America; they were the founding fathers not
only of the Melungeons, but of all of African America.

[To Be Continued]

This is the second article in a series written exclusive-
ly for Gowen Research Foundation. It may not be reprint-
ed or sold without the permission of the author.
November 8, 2000.

Biography of the Author:

Tim Hashaw is an investigative reporter living in Hous
ton, Texas. He has filed stories for CBS, ABC, and NBC
from local network affiliates and he has been a journal-
ist in radio, television and print. Tim has received
numerous national awards for excellence in journalism
from: The Radio and Television News Director’s Associa-
tion, Associated Press, United Press International, the
National Headliners Club and others. Tim is a seventh-
generation Texan and a descendant of James Goyne, born
May 30, 1755 in Mecklenburg County, Virginia.

If you have comments or questions concerning the Malange-
Angolan ancestry of the Melungeons, you may contact Tim
Hashaw directly.

2)  Amasa Vernon Going Killed In the Battle of Atlanta

By Fredrick M. Tucker
Editorial Boardmember
Box 214, Duncan, South Carolina, 29334

Amasa Vernon “Mace” Going, son of Isaac Going and Rebecca
Palmer Going and namesake of his uncle Amasa Palmer, was
born at Kelton, South Carolina in Union District. His
birth oc­curred “Tuesday, 30th day of January 1827, 45
minutes past 6 o’clock in the evening,” according to the
family bible. He was a grandson of Drury Going, a Revo-
lutionary soldier, and his wife, Sarah “Sally” Baxter

Amasa Vernon “Mace” Going fled to Louisiana about 1858 to
avoid being implicated in the theft of a slave. “A. M.
Goins” appeared in the 1860 census of Union Parish, Louisiana.

In July 1861 Amasa Vernon “Mace” Going enlisted as a pri-
vate in Company E of the “Independent Rangers” at Camp
Moore, Louisiana, according to the research of J. Dale
West, a Civil War historian of Longview, Texas. At that
time Camp Moore was located just north of New Orleans
near the site of the New Or­leans Fairgrounds.

Shortly after his enlistment, the soldier had his picture
taken in his new uniform while holding his musket. The
photograph, a sixth plate ambrotype, was made by a woman
photographer, E. Beachabard in New Orleans August 18,

This rare and valuable artifact is now owned by West who
maintains a collec­tion of Civil War photographs. Close
examination shows that the waist beltbuckle bears the
Louisiana state seal. The weapon was an 1816 converted
percussion musket, general issue for that period, accord-
ing to West.

The photograph appeared in “Guide to Louisiana Confeder-
ate Military Units, 1861-1865” by Arthur W. Bergeron, Jr.
and in “Confederate Calendar Works” by Larry Jones of
Austin, Texas. More recently the portrait was published
in “Portraits of Conflict, a Photographic History of Lou-
isiana in the Civil War” compiled by Dr Carl H. Moneyhon,
professor of history at University of Arkansas at Little
Rock in collaboration with Bobby Roberts.

West researched the military career of Amasa Ver­non
“Mace” Going and the “Independent Rangers.” The regiment
was incor­porated into Confederate service as the Twelfth
Louisiana In­fantry Regiment. The 12th Louisiana partici-
pated in the Con­federate victory in the Battle of Belmont
on the Mississippi River November 7, 1861. They had to
retreat in April 1862, giving up Island No. 10 after a
bitter battle.

Amasa Vernon “Mace” Going wrote a letter Sep­tember 12,
1862 to his older brother, William George Washington Go-
ing who was serving with the South Carolina 7th Cavalry
Reg­iment in Virginia.

Marshall County
Near Holly Springs
Sept. 12, 1862

Dear Brother,

I am well, and I hope this will find you and family with
all the con­nection is in the same good bless­ing. We have
just got back from a tiresome trip. We traveled over 700
miles, got but little to eat and done very hard march­ing.
We did not get into any fights.

“Our regi­ment stood it much better than I thought. I saw
John Bailey and old Jim Sams at Jackson, Miss. He was
well. I also saw John Foster yesterday. He heard of me
and came by to see me. He belongs to the 6th Miss. Regt.
He is 12 miles above here.

We have just re­ceived orders to cook up five days ra­tions
and be ready for marching in the morning at 4 o’clock.
We will go up North I think. We will fight at Bo­livar,
Tenn. before this time next week, if the yankeys don’t
leave there before we can get there. They are 12,000
strong at that place. We have and can get about 20,000 I
think. The general no­tion is to push on a fight at that

We are camped on cold water [Creek], five miles from Hol-
ly Springs, just where the yankeys were camped 6 weeks
ago. They did a great deal of mis­chief in this set­tle-

I found some yankey letters today they lost when they
left here. One young lady writing to her sweetheart said
“Oh how she would like to see the Rebels tor­tured a while
and then killed” and others praying for him to come home
for she and her children were liv­ing on bread and other
one was grieving because her husband was not buried in a
coffin. I see from the letters we found about here that
they have hard living as well as we do in the South.

I suppose you have heard of the glorious victorys in Virg,
Tenn and Ky. long before this can reach you. I have to
write in a hurry. You can tell brothers that I am up
here and direct there letters to Holly Springs and I will
get them though they are fixing to start to Tenn. and
will be there tomorrow.

I want you to keep everything strait between you and I
about the Land. You do what you think is rite and that
will suit me. I will wright again before long, soon as
we stop or our fight is over. Tell Keran [his sister]
I will wright to her before long. Tell them all that
I am well. I must go to cooking.

I am your loving brother
A. V. Going
To William Going”

The Confederate forces enjoyed temporary successes and
moved from Mississippi into Tennessee. The 12th Louisi-
ana was ordered to defend Ft. Pillow, Tennessee on the
Mississippi River. They were driven out of Ft. Pillow
in May 1863 by the superior firepower of the Union gun-
boats descending the river.

They were then transferred to Port Hudson, Louisiana to
resist the Union gunboats advancing up the Mississippi
from New Orleans. When Port Hudson fell in May 1863,
the regiment fell back toward Vicksburg, Mississippi
where it was de­feated in the Battle of Baker’s Creek.
The regiment was then transported to Dalton, Georgia to
attempt to halt the advance of Gen. W. T. Sherman on At-
lanta. Under Confederate Gen. J. E. Johnston the regi-
ment joined in the delaying action.

William George Washington Going wrote June 15, 1863 to
his wife, “William Fowler’s letter said you had heard
from A. V. Going, but I can’t make no since out of it.”

Fighting continually, Johnston wisely withdrew his
forces to­ward Atlanta and inflicted 17,000 casualties on
the Union forces. Pres. Jefferson Davis, tired of Johns-
ton’s Fabian tactics, replaced him with a “fighting man”
Gen. J. B. Hood. Hood hurled his troops against Sher-
man’s superior forces thrice and was soundly defeated
in each battle.

The last battles for Atlanta were bloody hand-to-hand
combat, and it was here that Amasa Vernon “Mace” Going
must have died. No entries were made in his service
record after the Battle of Atlanta in July 1864.

Like Amasa, captain of the host of Judah who was treach-
erously slain by Joab in II Samuel, he was a dedicated
soldier serving a cause.

“Amasa wallowed in blood in the midst of the highway . .
and everyone that came by him stood still.”

3)  Martha Angeline Gowan at Age 13 Assisted Her Confederate Uncle with Amputation

Martha Angeline “Angie” Gowan, daughter of Pleasant An-
drew Gowan and Mary A. Elizabeth Harris Gowan, was born
near Jackson, Tennessee August 28, 1851. She had a
first-hand experi­ence with the Civil War, according to
Connie LaDelle Ball Chandler, a granddaughter of McCrory,
Arkansas and author of “The H. L. Ball Family.”

“When she was 13, one of her uncles was shot in the leg
during the Battle of Shiloh. He crawled into the woods
and hid. He started for home [90 to 100 miles away]
crawling through the woods at night and hiding in the
daytime, living on berries and roots. The family thought
that he had been killed in the battle, but one morning,
Martha Angeline Gowan went out to milk the cows and found
him in the barn, deathly ill with gangrene in his wound.
He cautioned her not to let anyone know of his presence
because Union soldiers were still in the area.

He requested her to bring a sharp butcher knife, some wa-
ter and rags for bandages. They built a fire to ster­il-
ize the knife and to boil some water.

They placed a tourniquet above the wound, and she was in-
structed to complete the amputation in the event that he
passed out. They disjointed the leg at the knee, cauter-
ized it to stop the bleeding and pulled the skin down
over the stump. She bandaged the stump and stood vigil
while he slept. The war was over by the time his wound
had healed, and he could then let all know that he had
sur­vived the Battle of Shiloh.

I have in my possession a quilt that she made when she
was a little girl. She picked the cotton, carded it, spun
the thread, wove the material, dyed it using leaves for
the green and bark for the brown dye. Then she cut the
pieces and pieced them together, carded cotton bats for
the filling, and then quilted it.”

Martha Angeline “Angie” Gowan was married January 6, 1874
to George Falcon Wood, according to Carroll County mar­ri-
age records. He was born February 14, 1854 near Jackson,
according to Gerald F. Scott, Jr, Gowan descendant and
Foundation Member of Paragould, Arkansas.

Connie LaDelle Ball Chandler wrote, “She served as a mid-
wife to ladies in the community, riding horseback or in a
buggy to attend to the women. Once she went on a call in
the buggy, driving a mare with her young colt following.
The baby was slow in arriving, so she returned home to
fix supper for her family. When she returned for the
birthing, she tied up the colt and rode the mare. The
baby finally ar­rived, about daylight she was ready to re-
turn home. When she mounted the mare, the horse took the
bit between her teeth and raced all the way home. She
was so anx­ious to return to her colt, that she was un­con-
trolable. The rider had great difficulty staying on the
horse. She ran so fast and recklessly that Grand­mother
was bleed­ing from the nose and ears when they got home.”

They removed to Tipp, Arkansas in 1887 and assisted in
or­ganizing the Friendship Methodist Church in the follow-
ing year. They removed to McCrory, Arkansas in 1903
where George Falcon Wood operated a livery stable. Later
he and his son Edward Her­mon Wood operated a general
store in McCrory.

He died April 29, 1912 at McCrory and was buried in the
Odd Fellows Cemetery there. She died August 2, 1947,
three weeks short of her 96th birthday, and was buried
beside her hus­band.

Children born to them include:

Margaret Eula Wood born December 25, 1879
Pleasant Andrew Wood born September 13, 1885
Edward Hermon Wood born February 15, 1888
Elizabeth Myrtle Wood born December 29, 1889
Martha Abi “Mattie” Wood born June 22, 1892

Woodruff County Historical Society of McCrory published
in its “Rivers and Roads” the family history research of
Connie LaDelle Ball Chandler who died there June 22,
1992. The Foundation is indebted to Roger Smith, presi-
dent of the Society who gave approval for the Foundation
to publish excerpts from the Chandler material.

4)  Dear Cousins

I am interested in sharing information on the Goings sur-
name. Michael Goings/Goans was born c1740 in Shenandoah
County, Virginia of parents unknown. He was married in
the middle 1760s, wife’s name Mary.

Children born to Michael Goings and Mary Goings are be-
lieved to include:

Henry Goings born about 1769
John Goings born about 1772
Mary Goings born about 1775
David Goings born about 1780

Henry Goings, regarded as the son of Michael Goings and
Mary Goings, was born about 1769 in Shenandoah County. He
was married there to Lucy Blackwell in 1792. Later they
removed across the Shenandoah Valley to adjoining Hardy
County, VA [later West Virginia] in the early 1800s.

Children born to Henry Goings and Mary Goings probably
include the following:

Michael Goings born about 1793
Thomas Goings born about 1794
Amelia Goings born about 1797
Emeline Goings born about 1800
Balderman Goings born about 1801
Caroline Goings born about 1810
Joseph Goings born about 1812

Michael Goings, regarded as the son of Henry Goings and
Mary Goings, was born about 1793. He was married to Mary
Elizabeth Honeyman in 1816 and removed to Madison County,

Amelia Goings, regarded as the daughter of Henry Goings
and Mary Goings, was born about 1797. She was married to
Harrison Baldwin in 1827. She died in Grant County, WV
in 1864.

Emiline Goings, regarded as the daughter of Henry Goings
and Mary Goings, was born about 1800. She was married to
Harrison Baldwin in 1827.

Balderman Goings, regarded as a son of Henry Goings and
Mary Goings, was born about 1801. He was married in 1822,
wife’s name Lucretia. He died in Ohio.

John Goings, regarded as the son of Michael Goings and
Mary Goings, was born about 1772. He was married about –
1795, wife’s name unknown. Children born to them are
believed to include:

Shadrach Goings born about 1796

Shadrach Goings, probable son of Michael Goings and Mary
Goings, was born about 1796 in Shenandoah County. He was
married about 1819 to Hester Sears. They also removed to
Hardy County where he operated a ferry crossing the south
branch of the Potomac River.


Annette Miner
4809 N. 4th Street
McAllen, TX, 78504-6503
956/687-6503 eminer@hiline.net

==Dear Cousins==

The Salt Lake Institute of Genealogy 2001 will be held
8-12 January 2001 at the Wyndham Hotel, Salt Lake City,
UT. The following courses will be held: 1) American Re-
cords and Research: Focusing on Localities; 2) Tracing
Immigrant Origins; 3) Scottish Research; 4) Scandinavian
Research; 5) Preparing a Family History in the New Mil-
lennium; 6) US Military records; 7) and 8) Research Meth-
odology: Problem Solving I and Advanced Methodology:
Problem Solving II; 9) Making the Most of Your Computer
as a Serious Genealogist; 10) The Internet: A Tool for
Genealogical Research. For more information, see:

==Dear Cousins==

I am having a problem finding anything on Nathan Gowin of
Jersey County, Illinois.

Here is what I have from cemeteries in Jersey county Ill-

Nathan Gowin
b: 8-12-1840
d: 6-9-1889
Married: Nancy Ann [last name unknown]
b: 12-13-1844
d: 10-13-1906

George Paris Gowin
b 1-6-1865
d 8-23-1935
married: Libby Elizabeth Schafer
b 3-4-1863
d 5-1933
Her parents are Andrew Schafer and Elizabeth White.

They in turn had my grandfather:
Minor Stephen Gowin
b 3-6-1903
d 1-11-1983
m 11-23-1927 to
Loretta Ann Evering
b 10-14-1907
d 10-11-1982
both were buried at Gunterman cemetery in Fieldon, IL in
Jersey County.

Does anyone have more information about George Paris Gow-
in and Nathan Gowin?


Angela Gowin
St. Louis, MO

==Dear Cousins==

Does anyone have knowledge of James Goins? My g-aunt Vir-
ginia Dunn was born in 1900 at Iuka, MS, and her first
husband was a Goins; I think he was Roy Goins. They had a
son James Goins, who would be about 75 today, but I think
he too has died. There was also a daughter, Lorraine
Goins. Can anyone help me get in touch with this family
or descendants?

Cynthia Chandler
East Peoria, Illinois

==Dear Cousins==

Has anyone heard of an Indian roll called the Hester
Roll? When I mentioned to someone else, who also was into
genealogy and history, that I was researching possible
Indian ancestors, they mentioned this roll. I went to the
National Archives, but didn’t find it. Can anyone help?

Lynn Rockcastle



NOTE:  The above information produced by the Gowen Research Foundation (GRF), and parts of the “Gowen Manuscript” they worked on producing.  It has tons of information – much of it is correct, but be careful, some of it is not correct – so check their sources and logic.  I’ve copied some of their information in the past researching my own family, only to find out there were some clear mistakes.   So be sure to check the information to verify if it is right before citing the source and believing the person who researched it before was 100% correct.  Most of the information I found there seems to be correct, but some is not.

Their website is:  Internet: http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.com/~gowenrf

There does not seem to be anyone “manning the ship” at the Gowen Research Foundation, or Gowen Manuscript site any longer, and there is no way to contact anyone about any errors.   The pages themselves don’t have a mechanism to leave a note for others to see any “new information” that you may have that shows when you find info that shows something is wrong, or when something has been verified.

Feel free to leave messages about any new information found, or errors in these pages, or information that has been verified that those who wrote these pages may not have known about.

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